Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sources - article ; n°1 ; vol.88, pg 27-75

Roderich Ptak, Ralph Kauz

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Bulletin de l'Ecole française d'Extrême-Orient - Année 2001 - Volume 88 - Numéro 1 - Pages 27-75
49 pages
Source : Persée ; Ministère de la jeunesse, de l’éducation nationale et de la recherche, Direction de l’enseignement supérieur, Sous-direction des bibliothèques et de la documentation.

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• Publié par: BULLETIN_DE_L-ECOLE_FRANCAISE_D-EXTREME-ORIENT
• Publié le: 01 janvier 2001
• Nombre de lectures: 36
• Langue: English
• Poids de l'ouvrage: 4 Mo

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Ralph Kauz
Roderich Ptak
Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sources
In: Bulletin de l'Ecole française d'Extrême-Orient. Tome 88, 2001. pp. 27-75.
Citer ce document / Cite this document :
Kauz Ralph, Ptak Roderich. Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sources. In: Bulletin de l'Ecole française d'Extrême-Orient. Tome 88,
2001. pp. 27-75.
doi : 10.3406/befeo.2001.3509
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/befeo_0336-1519_2001_num_88_1_3509Abstract
Ralph Kauz & Roderich Ptak
Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sources
In the fourteenth century Hormuz became the leading port of the Gulf region. It was then connected to
India, the Far East, East Africa, the Levant and the Mediterranean. Politically, it remained fairly
independent, although it did pay taxes to the different powers controlling this area.
Arabic, Iranian, European and Chinese sources mirror Hormuz' commercial role in Asia's trade. The
present article is particularly concerned with Yuan and Ming texts. Some of these works contain
descriptive elements, written from a distinctly Chinese perspective - Confucian, Daoist, or otherwise -,
others simply carry toponyms without giving further details. Still others refer to delegations sailing from
Hormuz to China or in the other direction. Contacts between both sides - nearly always via the maritime
route - can be traced through such collections as the Ming shilu, various inscriptions, lishi dili works,
nautical treatises, maps, etc. Sources pertaining to later periods tend to copy the earlier material, rarely
adding new details to the old data. All these aspects are investigated and, where applicable, checked
against the information found in West Asian and other sources.
The end of Sino-Hormuzian contacts was not brought about by external factors, but by a change in
China's foreign policy. Several decades thereafter, Portugal gained control over Hormuz and a new era
began.
Résumé
Ralph Kauz et Roderich Pták
Ormuz à travers les sources des dynasties Yuan et Ming
Au cours du XIVe siècle, Ormuz devint le principal port du golfe Persique, relié alors à l'Inde, l'Extrême-
Orient, l'Afrique orientale et le monde méditerranéen. Politiquement, il resta assez indépendant,
quoiqu'il versât des impôts aux différents pouvoirs contrôlant la région.
Les sources arabes, iraniennes, européennes et chinoises reflètent le rôle tenu par Ormuz dans les
échanges commerciaux asiatiques. Le présent article porte surtout sur des textes des dynasties Yuan
et Ming. Certaines de ces œuvres contiennent des éléments descriptifs, rédigés selon une perspective
indéniablement chinoise - confucéenne, taoïste ou autre -, d'autres mentionnent seulement des
toponymes, sans plus de détails. D'autres encore font référence à des missions naviguant ďOrmuz vers
la Chine ou vice-versa. Les contacts entre les deux parties - presque toujours par voie maritime - sont
attestés dans les Annales véridiques des Ming {Ming shilu), diverses inscriptions, des ouvrages de
géographie historique {lishi dili), des traités nautiques, des cartes, etc. Les sources plus tardives ont
tendance à copier les écrits antérieurs et n'apportent que rarement de nouvelles données. Tous ces
aspects sont examinés ici et, éventuellement, confrontés aux informations provenant de sources d'Asie
occidentale ou d'ailleurs.
L'arrêt des relations entre la Chine et Ormuz ne fut pas causé par des facteurs externes, mais par une
nouvelle orientation de la politique étrangère chinoise. Quelques décennies plus tard, le Portugal prit le
contrôle d'Ormuz et une nouvelle ère s'ouvrit.Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sources
Ralph Kauz and Roderich Ptak*
Introduction1
Hormuz was among the major destinations of Zheng He's last four voyages. Both the
well-known Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions underline the importance of this place by
listing its name before the names of other ports and countries where the fleets of the
fourth, fifth, and sixth expedition had called.2 Usually, Zheng He's crew would reach
Hormuz in winter and spend about two months there, from mid- January to mid-March,
before setting out for the homebound voyage with the beginning of the southwest
monsoon. The last expedition, for example, reached Hormuz on 17 January 1433 and left
for China on 9 March of that year. Its leaders were back in Beijing on 22 July, after a fast
return trip through the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea of less than five months.3
During their long sojourns in Hormuz, Chinese officials must have been in frequent
touch with the local elite. This probably enabled the princes of Hormuz to gain some
insight into the Middle Kingdom's commercial power and the nature of the tribute trade
system. They thus sent several embassies to China which were classified as "tribute
envoys" in Ming sources. These submitted "horses and local products" to the
Chinese Court. The Chinese in turn learned about the role Hormuz played in trade with
the Middle East and, more indirectly, with the Mediterranean.
* Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitàt, Munich.
1 . The correct transcription of the name should be Hurmuz or Hurmuz, but for this paper the
colloquial form "Hormuz" was chosen.
2. Ma Huan (author), J. V. G. Mills (tr., éd.), Ying-yai Sheng-lan. The Overall Survey of the
Ocean's Shores [1433], The Hakluyt Society Extra Series 42 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1971), pp. 12-18 (now abbreviated Mills, Ma Huan). Jan J. L. Duyvendak, "The True Dates of the
Chinese Maritime Expeditions in the Early Fifteenth Century", T'oung Pao 34 (1938), pp. 343-355
(Hormuz mentioned on pp. 345, 347, 348, 350, 353, 354). Also see, for example, Teobaldo Filesi
(author), D. L. Morison (tr.), China and Africa in the Middle Ages, Cass Library of African Studies,
General Studies 144 (London: Frank Cass, 1972), pp. 56-65, and the general account by Dominique
Lelièvre, Le dragon de lumière. Les grandes expéditions des Ming au début du XVe siècle (Paris : Éditions
France-Empire, 1996), pp. 95-98. The inscriptions are also reprinted in many modern Chinese works.
3. Zhu Yunming, Qianwen ji, Congshu jicheng chubian 290 (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan,
1966), pp. 72 et seq. Also see Paul Pelliot, "Les grands voyages maritimes chinois au début du XVe
siècle", T'oung Pao 30 (1933), pp. 305-31 1, and Mills, Ma Huan, pp. 17-18.
Bulletin de l'École française d'Extrême-Orient, 88 (2001), p. 27-75. 28 Ralph Kauz & Roderich Pták
Old-Hormuz
orm
Jarun P
Lârak
Persian Gulf
Modern Map
Wm У0
Section of the Mao Kun map showing Hormuz Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sources 29
Located at the entrance of the Persian Gulf, Hormuz was a convenient stopover for all
maritime traffic between West Asia and the countries around the Arabian Sea. Earlier,
from the Sasanian period to the eleventh century, Sïràf had already assumed a similar
position in international trade. As the leading port of the Sasanian Empire, it had once
been one of the richest cities in southern Iran. During the twelfth century the island of
Qais (Farsi: Kish) gradually replaced Sïràf as the main port in the Gulf. Both Sïràf s
substitution by Qais and Qais' later substitution by Hormuz were, to a large part,
determined by geographical factors: Qais was located to the southeast of Sïràf, i.e., closer
to the Strait of Hormuz; it could therefore block all ships heading for Sïràf. Similarly,
Hormuz could control all traffic going to Qais because it lay to the east of the latter.
The kingdom of Hormuz held its key position in trade for more than two centuries.
When decline set in, it was mostly brought about by exogenous factors. In the early
sixteenth century the Safavides, who had just seized power in Iran, thought of conquering
Hormuz. For a brief period, they even considered cooperation with the Portuguese, but
these plans did not materialize. Finally, in 1515, Afonso de Albuquerque gained control
over Hormuz. Although Hormuz would never live up to its former role under the Estado
da índia 's dominance, it remained a port of some significance on the route from India to
the Near East. In the early seventeenth century, Portuguese rule came to end. This time the
Safavides cooperated with the East India Company. However, in 1622, when Hormuz
changed hands, most buildings were destroyed and the Safavides decided to divert all
traffic to Gamru, on the mainland opposite of Hormuz. The rise of Gamru, named Bandar
'Abbàs by their new masters, caused the final decline of Hormuz. Today, Hormuz is
nothing but a barren island.4
References to Hormuz in Chinese texts abound, particularly from the Yuan and Ming
periods. The present paper discusses all important texts with original information. Works
merely repeating earlier observations will also be dealt with, but only in a brief way. One
aim is to reflect on China's "perception" of Hormuz