Outer Islanders and Urban Resettlement in the Salomon Islands: The Case of Anutans on Guadalcanal - article ; n°2 ; vol.103, pg 207-217
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Outer Islanders and Urban Resettlement in the Salomon Islands: The Case of Anutans on Guadalcanal - article ; n°2 ; vol.103, pg 207-217

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Journal de la Société des océanistes - Année 1996 - Volume 103 - Numéro 2 - Pages 207-217
11 pages
Source : Persée ; Ministère de la jeunesse, de l’éducation nationale et de la recherche, Direction de l’enseignement supérieur, Sous-direction des bibliothèques et de la documentation.

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Publié le 01 janvier 1996
Nombre de lectures 17
Langue English
Poids de l'ouvrage 1 Mo

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Richard Feinberg
Outer Islanders and Urban Resettlement in the Salomon Islands:
The Case of Anutans on Guadalcanal
In: Journal de la Société des océanistes. 103, 1996-2. pp. 207-217.
Citer ce document / Cite this document :
Feinberg Richard. Outer Islanders and Urban Resettlement in the Salomon Islands: The Case of Anutans on Guadalcanal. In:
Journal de la Société des océanistes. 103, 1996-2. pp. 207-217.
doi : 10.3406/jso.1996.1990
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/jso_0300-953X_1996_num_103_2_1990Outer Islanders and Urban resettlement
in the Solomon Islands : The Case
of Anutans on Guadalcanal
par
Richard FEINBERG *
When indigenous peoples come into contact Anuta: ethnographic backgroung
with the Western world, their lives undergo a
multitude of changes. They are exposed to new Anuta is a small, isolated community of Poly
technologies and new ideas, new religious and nesians in the Solomon Islands Temotu Province
political systems. They find themselves imbued — formerly the Eastern Outer Islands. It is but a
with new aspirations, and inextricably enmeshed half mile in diameter, seventy miles from Tiko-
in the world market economy, as cash becomes pia, its nearest populated neighbor, and over two
essential for fulfilling their new aspirations. They hundred miles from the nearest population cen
are presented with new opportunities and ter of substantial size. Over the generations,
increased incentive both to travel and to emi Anutans have inter-acted extensively with Tiko-
grate. pians, whose language and culture is similar to One consequence of these pressures and ent their own. By contrast, contact with other Solicements is resettlement of outer island peoples in omon Islanders, most of whom Anutans see as urban centers. Such movement and resettlement, very different from themselves, have been few in turn, creates both opportunities and challen
and sporadic until recent decades. Even today, ges for the home community as well as the resett Anuta receives visitors no more than once a led enclave. In both cases, the problems involve
month; and sometimes many months may pass the need to balance a commitment to old symb
without a visit. ols, values, and world view against the changes
Because of Anuta's isolation, small size, and wrought by new ideas, experiences, and econo
absence of commercially exploitable resources, mic pressures. For these reasons, problems of
its traditional culture has remained remarkably urbanization must be understood in terms of the
intact up to the present day. Subsistence garderelationship between the urban settlement and
home communities as well as the articulation ning and fishing dominate the economy. The
polity is led by two hereditary chiefs who, a between distinct and often incompatible cultural
senior male descendants of the ancient leaders, orientations.
are thought to be imbued with awesome mana. In this essay, I explore these problems as they
have developed among people from Anuta, a Houses and canoes are constructed of traditio
Polynesian outlier in the Solomon Islands. It is nal materials in the traditional manner. Gardens
are cultivated and fish caught through use of old based on visits to Anuta and to the Anutan
techniques. Kinship remains the cornerstone of community on Guadalcanal, site of the Sol
omon Islands capital, in 1972-73, 1983-84, and economic and social organization and itself is
1988. intimately associated with aropa — positive
affect as expressed through economic sharing
and cooperation.
* Kent State University, June 12, 1990. 208 SOCIETE DES OCEANISTES
Despite strong elements of continuity, howev light of pressures affecting the home island. I
have described these pressures elsewhere (Fein- er, change has been inexorable. Through two
centuries of European contact, Anutans have berg 1977); what follows is a summary of the
had access to expanded travel, new ideas, worldly main issues.
experience, and a variety of European goods. A I first became aware that something was amiss
few Anutans traveled as deck hands to such far- with the development of tensions during the mid
1970s. The major issue of contention was the flung places as New Zealand, Australia, and
America's Pacific Coast. During the second sale of taro, betel, tobacco and bananas by seve
decade of this century, the Melanesian Mission ral households to those who were short of food.
established the Anglican Church on Anuta, and This was a departure from traditional behavior,
since that time the population has been at least and it contradicted principles of aropa and
nominally Christian. Metal axes, knives, and fish kinship, underlying proper action in the old sys
hooks were introduced relatively early; now tem.
An Anutan chief is charged with the responsibcommodities including kerosene, lanterns, cot
ton cloth, and nylon fishing line are taken as ility to guard the island's welfare; and in di
necessities. Tinned meat, rice, ship's biscuits, and scharging this responsibility, the present senior
the like clearly remain luxuries; still they are chief has always emphasized the community's
much appreciated and actively sought. collective character. Thus, during a minor
In order to acquire cash to purchase such famine in 1972, he ordered the entire population
commodities, and as a safety valve for an expan to act as a single domestic unit, preparing and
consuming food together. Anuta, he said, was a ding population, Anutans in increasing numbers
have moved off their home island. At first, such single family, and it would not be right for some
emigration was limited to a few individuals joi members to eat while others starved. Sale of
ning groups of Tikopians who had signed on as food challenged the basis of this action, and the
plantation workers. For the most part such labor chief forbade the practice.
has been for the Levers copra plantations in the By contrast, from the viewpoint of the sellers,
Russell Islands of the Central Solomons. Star exchanging food for money was part of a new
ting around 1960, however, the number of Anut orientation involving commitment to upward
ans travelling for a variety of purposes i mobility in European terms. It provided an
ncreased dramatically. By 1972, the time of my opportunity to accrue cash on Anuta and was
first visit to Anuta, every adult male has been thus part of a strategy for obtaining Western
commodities. Moreover, the first two 'houses' overseas at some time during his life. In some
cases, this amounted only to brief stays on Tiko- (pare) to start selling food had children in school
pia; but in others it involved a permanent move overseas, whom they felt obliged to support
financially. Thus, these 'houses' to the Central Solomons. Most emigres have openly resisted
worked as low-paid manual laborers for the orders to desist from selling food. Inded, the
practice spread. Furthermore, the maru — men Levers plantations, the Honiara Town Council,
'clans' — on whom the chief or one or another shipping company. A few, of the two leading
however, have attented secondary school and depended for enforcement of his orders, were
even held prestigious jobs. About half the Anut among the leaders of the opposition.
ans who travel to the Central Solomons go on to These tensions alternately waxed and waned
the Russell Islands; the other half remain in over the next several years. During this period
Honiara. the chief's authority-both secular and in the
church — was challenged. Finally, when threat Honiara clearly holds attractions for many
Anutans, and there is a steady stream of visitors. of open violence was followed by a rash of acci
At the same time, life in town is difficult for outer dents, a major epidemic, and at least three deaths
— all of which Anutans took to be punishment islanders. Some of these difficulties are a direct
for social discord — people recognized that their result of urban life; others derive from the
attempt to maintain a distinctively Anutan life community's survival would be in jeopardy if
style in a distinctly non- Anutan environment. they did not take pains to heal the breach. Since
that time, both sides have worked to cool tem
pers and reestablish overt peace. This, however,
Trouble at home: the commercialization of was accomplished by people talking less about
interpersonal relations the sources of tension — not resolving them.
Families that had been selling food desisted; but
Problems in the overseas community reflect they still maintained their actions were appro
tensions on Anuta and must be understood in priate under the circumstances. And the chief OUTER ISLANDERS AND URBAN RESETTLEMENT IN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS 209
refrained from vocal opposition to what he per In addition, people sometimes visit Honiara to
ceived as incorrect behavior, but he registered his see kinsmen who have settled there or to enjoy a
protest by refusing to attend church services on change of scenery. For those residing in the
Sundays. Honiara area on a long term basis, material r
A second point of contention, which has had ewards and opportunities for social advancement
implications for Anutans in Honiara as well as in Western terms can be substantial. But these
the home island involves relations with the Sol rewards come at a heavy price.
omon Islan

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