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The Carib sky - article ; n°1 ; vol.68, pg 105-132

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30 pages
Journal de la Société des Américanistes - Année 1982 - Volume 68 - Numéro 1 - Pages 105-132
Edmundo MAGANA et Fabiola JARA. Ciel caribe. Cet article présente les résultats d'une recherche effectuée au Surinam, en 1980, dans trois communautés caribes. Un relevé exhaustif des étoiles et des constellations des indiens Caribs et une représentation graphique de celles qui ont pu être identifiées sûrement sont donnés. L'article inclut d'autres informations concernant les «tiempos de emergencia» des étoiles et la mythologie stellaire en général. Outre les données recueillies en 1980, les auteurs rappellent les sources connues depuis le XVIe siècle et discutent brièvement les théories caribes relatives à l'origine des étoiles. L'article représente la première publication exhaustive sur l'astronomie caribe — deux publications antérieures, limitées, datant de 1907 et de 1931.
Cielo caribe. Este artículo tiene como objeto la presentación de los resultados de una investigación de campo realizada en Surinam en 1980 en très aldeas de los indios Caribes. Se hace una recopilación exhaustiva de las estrellas y constelaciones de los Caribes y la representación gráfica de aquéllas positivamente identificadas. Incluye otřas informaciones générales concerniendo los tiempos de emergencia de las estrellas de acuerdo a los Caribes mismos y otras noticias sobre mitología estelar. Además de los datos recogidos en 1980, se présenta la información anterior - desde el siglo XVI - sobre astronomía caribe, la revisión de estas fuentes y una discusión breve de las teorías caribes sobre el origen de las estrellas. Este artículo constituye el primer trabajo exhaustivo sobre astronomía caribe. Dos trabajos anteriores, de alcance muy limitado y muy breves, datan de 1907 y 1931.
The Carib sky. This article gives the results of an investigacion made in Surinam, in 1980, in three Carib communities. An exhaustive account of the stars of the Carib s and a graphic representation of these that could be identified are given. Other informations concern the «tiempos de emergencia» of the stars and the stellar mythology relative to them. Besides the data collected in 1980, the authors quote informations known since the 16th century and comment briefly the Carib theories about the origin of the stars. It is the first exhaustive publication about Carib astronomy — two previous ones, limited, dating from 1907 and 1931.
28 pages
Source : Persée ; Ministère de la jeunesse, de l’éducation nationale et de la recherche, Direction de l’enseignement supérieur, Sous-direction des bibliothèques et de la documentation.
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Edmundo Magaña
Fabiola Jara
The Carib sky
In: Journal de la Société des Américanistes. Tome 68, 1982. pp. 105-132.
Citer ce document / Cite this document :
Magaña Edmundo, Jara Fabiola. The Carib sky. In: Journal de la Société des Américanistes. Tome 68, 1982. pp. 105-132.
doi : 10.3406/jsa.1982.2212
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/jsa_0037-9174_1982_num_68_1_2212Résumé
Edmundo MAGANA et Fabiola JARA. Ciel caribe. Cet article présente les résultats d'une recherche
effectuée au Surinam, en 1980, dans trois communautés caribes. Un relevé exhaustif des étoiles et des
constellations des indiens Caribs et une représentation graphique de celles qui ont pu être identifiées
sûrement sont donnés. L'article inclut d'autres informations concernant les «tiempos de emergencia»
des étoiles et la mythologie stellaire en général. Outre les données recueillies en 1980, les auteurs
rappellent les sources connues depuis le XVIe siècle et discutent brièvement les théories caribes
relatives à l'origine des étoiles. L'article représente la première publication exhaustive sur l'astronomie
caribe — deux publications antérieures, limitées, datant de 1907 et de 1931.
Resumen
Cielo caribe. Este artículo tiene como objeto la presentación de los resultados de una investigación de
campo realizada en Surinam en 1980 en très aldeas de los indios Caribes. Se hace una recopilación
exhaustiva de las estrellas y constelaciones de los Caribes y la representación gráfica de aquéllas
positivamente identificadas. Incluye otřas informaciones générales concerniendo los tiempos de
emergencia de las estrellas de acuerdo a los Caribes mismos y otras noticias sobre mitología estelar.
Además de los datos recogidos en 1980, se présenta la información anterior - desde el siglo XVI -
sobre astronomía caribe, la revisión de estas fuentes y una discusión breve de las teorías caribes sobre
el origen de las estrellas. Este artículo constituye el primer trabajo exhaustivo sobre astronomía caribe.
Dos trabajos anteriores, de alcance muy limitado y muy breves, datan de 1907 y 1931.
Abstract
The Carib sky. This article gives the results of an investigacion made in Surinam, in 1980, in three Carib
communities. An exhaustive account of the stars of the Carib s and a graphic representation of these
that could be identified are given. Other informations concern the «tiempos de emergencia» of the stars
and the stellar mythology relative to them. Besides the data collected in 1980, the authors quote
informations known since the 16th century and comment briefly the Carib theories about the origin of
the stars. It is the first exhaustive publication about Carib astronomy — two previous ones, limited,
dating from 1907 and 1931.THE CARIB SKY
by Edmundo MAGANA and Fabiola JARA*
with the collaboration of Chief Max Langaman, Johannes Awarajari,
Carlos Awakaru, Louis Tapoka, Delfride Irikujamo, Marinus Arupa
L'observation & cognoissance de l'Astrologie
est chose naturelle en l'homme, puis que ces
gens sans lettres, & presque sans raison, en
sont imbuez.
(A.Thevet :909b-910a)
The collection of materials concerning South American Indian astronomy l and the
Indian theories accounting for the origin of the stars and star constellations has been very
uneven. The first writers following the coming of Europeans to South America gave but
minute attention to this subject, and never too seriously. And, of course, tribal societies,
as distinguished from state societies whose astronomy has been thoroughly studied, were
not yet fully known.
The Carib Indians occupy a somehow special place : inhabitants of the Caribbean
Islands and of the South American northeast coast, they were the first to be contacted
and very early mentions of their astronomy can be found. However, more detailed
accounts of their astronomy and star-lore began only recently to appear at the beginning
of this century. Even so, as we shall see later, there is much to be done on this subject.
Many different factors can be said to have contributed to this amazing gap in ethno
graphic literature. We can distinguish three periods : one extending from the discovery to
the end of the eighteenth century during which very sensitive, fundamental debates took
place concerning the aboriginal peoples ; a second period from the eighteenth to the end
* We are much indebted to all the persons who helped us carry out the field-research on which
this paper is based and who helped us complete this article. Among others to Dr. Bob Scholte, our
supervisor; Drs. Henk Essed, our field-director; Drs. R. Artist, N. Aluman, and A. Cirino who helped
open many doors which greatly facilitated the research ; our interpreters S. Aloema, W. Mande, and
A. Aroepa, and Dr. J. Carrière who helped with the language editing. Field-research was carried out in
three Carib villages (Konomerume, Karawasinde, and Kubarimye) in Surinam from June to September
1980 by permission of the Research Department of the Ministry of Education of Surinam and in
agreement with the local authorities of the villages. 106 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES
of the nineteenth century during which scientific theories overruled the previous discourses
of «ideologists» and «cosmographers», and a third period from 1900 to the 1940's during
which even if scientificism was predominant, a more serious concern for native cultures
developed. Developments in Europe have left definite imprints on the ethnographic
surveys up to the present.
In the first period there is much concern about the very nature of the Americans and
the whole period is dominated by issues such as cannibalism, physical anthropology as
part of «moral anthropology», religious practices and general morality. Europe itself had
just come out of a struggle between Good and Evil, and America was the new continent
opened to continue this fight. The world was over-connoted then, and everything was a
sign that had to be worked out in the context of religious faith.
Missionaries, for example, effectively refused to write down those bits of Indian lore
which were told them in order not to be «complices du diable» (Clastres : 138 ; he writes
this, however, with respect to the missionaries' unwillingness to record the shaman's
knowledge and practices but it applies as well to other aspects of Indian culture) as much
of what the Indians thought was believed to be the product of Satan's suggestions.
It is in this context that astronomy and astrology were then easily confounded and
that many astronomical phenomena like the passing of comets and eclipses were not
considered to be natural — this was an atheistic assertion — but signs of God to make
known his disposition towards mankind (see Thevet : 995b ; he showed much sympathy
for the Indians with regard to the «sign» interpretation of the comets which was indeed
similar in France and in Mexico ; see Biet : 1 1 1).
The Indians were considered to be descendants of the «lost tribes of Israel» or, in any
case, to have been in touch with Old World civilisations in a remote past so that whenever
the travellers found evidence of Indian astronomy they assumed that the Indians merely
recalled fragments of the old knowledge. This can be seen in the way in which some
authors mention this subject : «(...) ils en connoissent quelques-unes des principales
[constellations], comme la grande Ourse et les Pléiades» (Barrère : 179). In another
author we find the following formulation :«(...) dit hebben zy noch van deze wetenschap
[astronomy] overbehouden, waar van men de beginselen aan Prometheus, Atlas en
Lycaon toeschryft» 2 (La Fiteau : 411). Finally, another writer pointed out : «(...) mais
les unes et les autres se ressemblent en quelques points, parce qu'ils ont conservé plusieurs
usages innocents qui leur venoient de la plus haute antiquité, et de la famille de Noé, de
laquelle les unes et les autres sont sortis» (Plouche, 1 : 7 ; see II : 497) («les unes» are the
Jews, «les autres» the Heathens; among the heathens are comprised, too, the Indians).
Of course, the people who collected these bits of Indian lore belonged to the most
diverse occupations and had the most diverse interests : missionaries, soldiers, travellers,
merchants, pirates, adventurers, convicts, etc., a fact which has to be taken into account
when explaining the nature of the ethnographic knowledge of this period.
Ethnographers also developed many theories to explain the most striking things in Indian
astronomy and star-lore in the second period (nineteenth century). The forming and naming
of constellations — leaving aside, of course, their practical use with respect to navigation and
agriculture3 — are explained as being the hazardous product of the «confused primitive
mentality » (Lang : 136). The resemblances between the primitive and the Greek star mythol
ogies, for example, should be understood as products of « men in similar mental conditions
of ignorance, curiosity, and credulous fancy» (Lang : 125; see Tylor, I : 273-367). 107 THECARIBSKY
As a consequence of this, no systematic records were made between the 16th and the
19th centuries of Indian star constellations of star-lore, nor of native theories explaining
astronomical phenomena. As, in these two periods, no specificity was recognized to
Indian cultures, no effort was made in that direction. It is only at the end of the nineteenth
century that more or less systematic collections of star-lore were recorded as being of
ethnographic interest — an interest that lasted till the 1940's. Nevertheless, little attention
was given to the identification of Indian constellations4 and to theories concerning
astronomical phenomena. In this period data were gathered by ethnographers as well as
by ethnologists. Among the last, two tendencies can be distinguished : a more or less
objective, non-positivistic American tendency, and a mystic, symbolist and universalistic
European one. This last school saw symbols and spirits everywhere as being fragments of
an « old secret knowledge » of the primordial mankind — an anthropological conception
which characterized Europe at that time — but did not fail in systematically surveying
Indian astronomical science.
*
* *
Let us, then, review the most general mentions of Indian astronomy — regarding
Caribbean and Guiana Indians — between the sixteenth and the nineteenth century.
This will give us a general impression of the periods in question with regard to Indian
astronomy as it is found in ethnography, and it will permit us to assess, as far as pos
sible, the general trend of change in this matter. Let us add a few words with regard to
the category «Guiana Indians»; as far as possible we have included in this category
«Carib and Arawak tribes» only, excluding other Guiana groups. These two tribes have
been in contact (by war, commerce or inter-marriages) since before the sixteenth century
and it is not unfair to assume (indeed evidence to that effect is abundant) that much
borrowing has taken place5. We have excluded other tribes to which the application
of this term is very doubtful 6.
One of the first records assessing the existence of a continuing interest in astronomical
phenomena — among the Guiana Indians — is that of Navarrete. He observed, in 1545,
that men gathered in the assembly house to talk about the sky, the sun, the moon, and
the stars (in de Goeje, 1948 : 10). Thevet wrote, too : «(...) les vieillards d'entre-eux
contemplent ces corps luysans et célestes (...) se gouvernans par le cours des Astres»
(Thevet : 909b). And, of course, the passage quoted at the beginning of this paper, is a
very clear assessment concerning the Indian astronomical preoccupation.
In two authors of the seventeenth century a few passages reveal that — instead of being
subjects of religious worship — the sun and the moon, were carefully observed (Harcourt :
91;deLaet:581).
In the eighteenth century, Barrère, writing on the Island Caribs, observed : « Dans les
voyages, soit par eau, soit par terre, le Soleil et les Étoiles servent de guide aux Sauvages.
Ils en connoissent quelques-unes des principales... [constellations]» (Barrère : 179).
Another author of this period, writing in 1751, commented : «Dit gevœlen der Ouden
word ons noch hedendaags in de Sterrekunde der Wilden vertoont...» 7 (La Fiteau : 199).
Later on, he assessed : «(...) zy hebben eenige kennis van de Sterrekunst welke dient om
hun tyd te bepalen en hun tochten te Bestieren» 8 (idem : 411). Another writer said : 1 08 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES
« La lune, le soleil, les étoiles, et toutes sortes d'animaux même sont les objets de leur
culte» ([of the Galibi Indians], Fermin, I : 78). Hartsinck observed that the Caribs did
indeed have some knowledge of the stars (Hartsinck, 1 : 25-26).
In the nineteenth century a missionary who travelled among the various tribes of
British Guiana writes : «They had some rude knowledge of the stars which was probably
acquired by the experience of their ancestors in former voyages. They distinguished some
of them as constellations» (Brett, 1868 : 107). A late writer of this period tells : «Ce
n'est que maintenant que j'apprends que les Roucouyennes connaissent plusieurs constel
lations...» (Coudreau : 223).
Finally, short passages regarding individual phenomena, the sun, the moon, the comets,
the stars, the eclipses, etc., and astronomical lore can be found in Biet (1664), de Roche-
fort (1665), Breton (1665), de la Borde (1674), Chrétien (1725), Plouche (1759), de la
Sauvage (1763), von Martius (1867), Brett (1880), Lang (1895), etc.
Up to the 1900's, then, very little was known about Carib astronomy. Those who wrote
about it could only gather very general information : it was acknowledged that there existed
a Carib astronomy but that it was so far unknown, that the stars had been put to use among
the Indians but nothing was said about the specific stars in question. Coudreau, who lived
for many years among the Indians, did not mention the constellations shown to him. The
few authors who meant to identify them naively assumed that these corresponded to the
Western ones so that we often find passages like this : « they call the Hunter in this way... » .
Other authors began an industrious guesswork which, naturally, adds very little to our
knowledge of this subject.
Later writers, that is, after 1900, have been much more precise in their information.
In the survey we carried out on Indian stars and constellations three authors are especially
important. In the first place, the Penard brothers with their De Menschetende Aanbidders
der Zonneslang (1907-1908). Then Roth (1909) who collected an impressive amount of
Carib myths, some of them star myths. And, finally, Ahlbrinck's Encyclopaedic der
Karaiben (1931) which is a source of valuable information.
THE ORIGIN OF THE STARS
There are quite a few Indian theories explaining the origin of the stars and star constel
lations. Many of these theories, of course, are to be found in the myths themselves since
in societies relying on oral tradition, history and science are exercised en narrant. In the
ethnographic literature many passages concerning this subject can be found.
A first theory states that stars were once humans. They became stars either by their
own will or due to the intervention of some mythic hero. In some cases the causes of
their becoming stars are explained differently. Sometimes, in this same school, stars
are supposed to have been the souls of dead people.
In a tribe thought to be related to the Caribs it was believed that the stars were the
ancestors. Those who had served the sun well and practised charity in its name were
transported to the sky after death and there, changed into stars (de Rochefort : 419).
A similar myth of the Caribs of the West Indies tells that the first man, who was called
Lukwo and had come from the sky, created the earth, the moon, and the stars, who are, THECARIBSKY 109
also, people (de la Borde : 6). Gilij recorded that for the Indians stars were people or,
more precisely, the eyes of people looking down from the sky (Gilij, 1780-84, in de Goeje,
1948 : 39). Coudreau recorded the following myth : a man who had killed and eaten his
wife went to the sky and remained in the moon ; his parents went after him but were
burnt on the way and became stars (Coudreau : 555). Rouse, finally, states that the
stars were supposed to be human beings; the sun, as ruler of the sky, impeded them from
shining during the day (Rouse : 564 ; this passage is based on de la Borde : 9).
A second theory sustains that the stars are the spirits of people, animals and seasons.
According to the Penard brothers for « deze Roodhuiden zijn sterren slech ts geesten van
menšen en dieren»9 (Penard, 1907 : 105; see, too, Roth). They should, also, be the
ruling spirits of the animal and plant species, and of the atmospheric phenomena (de Goeje,
1943 : 104; 1948 : 43 ; Gfflin : 857).
A third theory says that the stars were created. «Dieu a fait le Ciel, la Тепе, la Mer,
les Poissons, le Soleil, la Lune, les Estoiles» (Biet : 412; see de la Sauvage : 17). «The
Creator, the Great Grandfather made the stars as stars» (Brett, 1880 : 6).
Let us discuss these three theories. The first one is very firmly grounded in mythology.
Some of the villagers with whom we conversed definitely sustained that some of the stars
and constellations were once humans, but we found no evidence supporting the belief
that the stars are humans or parts of their bodies or that they were or are the souls of the
dead. Let us explain this a little further : according to the Caribs there was a time before
the Flood «when all was possible». (The Caribs usually say, at the beginning of a myth,
«in the time when all was possible».) In this epoch all «living beings» and «inanimate
objects» could choose the shape they would like to have. To become a star was, then, just
one of the many possible shapes men, animals, or things, could assume, or leave, if they
wanted to. Night and day did not have a fixed order of succession. The birds were all of
the same colour and, like the animals and plants, could also talk. Only gradually did
things become fixed and after the Flood, which left only a few survivors who had taken
refuge in the top of high trees or in the mountains, they could change only with difficulty.
After the Flood, only some of the shamans could assume other shapes.
Some of the constellations have thus a very definite fixed and known history. The places
where the events preceding the ancestor's transformation into stars took place are known, as
well as — though not always — the names of these ancestors and the reasons they presumably
had to do so. And, as it follows from the state of things before the Flood, no « superior
being» is held responsible for these transformations. When these ancestors went to the sky
they counted — sometimes — with the help of a mythic hero or of a bird thought to be
able to bring them up to the sky. Or, sometimes, they just jumped up or flew.
With regard to the second theory we found no evidence of a belief in the stars as
being «spirits». Ahlbrinck had already rejected the interpretation of the Penard brothers
about this. The word fumu or yuman that always forms the star-names does not mean
spirit and is better translated, according to Ahlbrinck, as «father» (Ahlbrinck :441). Its
translation as «protector» was explicitly rejected by our informants. The association
between some constellations and animals, plants, or seasons, is not thought to be causal in
nature. The most widely accepted view, finally, is that the rising of the constellation
«announces» the seasons (breeding and hunting) of specific species.
Concerning the third theory let us recall Roth. Writing in 1909 he concluded that the
Guiana Indians «had no idea of Superior Being in the modern conception of the term» 1 1 0 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES
(Roth : 117). He rightly added : «(...) It is interesting to know how both travellers and
missionaries have assumed almost unconsciously the Indian traditions of certain mythic
Heroes to be more or less indicative of the view no doubt a priori consciously held by
the former that the native was not without the knowledge of a God» (idem : 119).
An author of the 17th century had written : «(...) de sorte que ne reconnoissans point
de diuvinité ils n'ont point de mots pour la nommer, ce qui est une difficulté quand on
leur en parle. On ne leur peut parler de Dieu, qu'en leur représentant un vieillard qui
est au Ciel, lequel gouverne tout, qui sçait tout, qui connoist tout, et qui est infiniment
bon » (Biet : 360 ; see Breton : 424).
Now, undoubtedly due to the activities of the missionaries, the belief in a god creator
of everything is widely shared among the Caribs. Many villagers, indeed, would subscribe
to the theory of creation.
There is a fourth school, however, that shares its beliefs : for them some of the constel
lations were created by Tamusi, the grandfather — originally one of the mythic twins
too —, and some others are transformations which took place before the Flood.
There is another debate concerning particularly the names of the stars. The question
is : Why do the stars have the names they are called by ? In some cases the answer is
readily at hand since the events preceding the transformation of the people into stars
are known. So, taking the Constellation of the Face as an example, the answer would
read : as the body of the old woman was swallowed by the caiman only her head rose
to the sky, and it was therefore called the Constellation of the Face. For other constel
lations, like that of the Awara Palm, the answer would be : it is so named because it
can be thought to ressemble a palm. Finally, the problem for the creationist school
is : How did we get to know the names of the stars ? But this remains a question.
In this section we shall present a general survey, as exhaustive as possible, of the Carib
stars and constellations. We shall mention — as far as our sources allow — all relevant
data concerning every individual star or constellation regarding its rising and/or setting,
its form, the associated myth, and its widely accepted «function». At the end of this
survey the reader will find a list of all identified constellations. When there is no mention
of source after a paragraph or passage, this means that it is based on data gathered during
our visits to Carib villages.
The following table shows the Carib stars and constellations known from the sixteenth
century to 1980. The column «till 1900» is based on literature previous to 1900 (see
Bibliography) ; the column « 1907 » is based on Penard (1907, 1908) ; the column « 1909 »
is based on Roth (1909 [1915]); the column «1931» is based on Ahlbrinck (1931); the
column « 1980» is based on our own field research. The sign * means «mentioned by».
As the order of succession of the constellations is not completely known we list them
alphabetically. THE CARIB SKY 111
Table 1 . — Carib stars and constellations.
till 1900 1907-08 1909 1931 1980
1. Akamiyuman
2. Akulfyuman
3. Akusiweiyuman
4. Alukuma
5. Anuwanayuman
6. Arapapayuman
7. Asiňaoyuman
8. Asitjaniyuman
9. Awarayuman
10. Awarepuyayuman
11. Awoyoyuman
12. Awoyuman
13. Epietembo
14. laboura
15. Kaitusiyuman
16. Kapiwayuman
17. Kataruyuman
18. Knoloyuman
19. Kumawariyuman
20. Kumukumuyuman
21. Kupirisiyuman
22. Kurewakoyuman
23. Kuriala
24. Kuruman
25. Kurumuyuman
26. Kusayuman
27. Kutaiyuman
28. Maipuriyuman
29. Mriwj
30. Maliroubana
* * 31. Nunopuite
* * 32. Onbatapo
* 33. Oponoyuman
* * 34. Orinoka-n-an
(*)2 35. Pakamu sura-ri
* 36.turi-ri
* * 37. Pakamuyuman
* 38. Pio-kanamo
39. Pitjayuman
40. Racuman
41. Sagasagayuman 112 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES
Ш1900 1907-08 1909 1931 1980
42. Savakuyuman * *
43. Sibirisiyuman * *
44. Siritjo * * * * *
45. Siritfo sura-ri * * * *
46. Suluiuyuman * * * *
47. Tuwi (»)3
48. Urayumari *
49. Warayuman *
50. Wayamakuyuman * *
51. Wayamuyuman * *
52. Wokoyuman * * * * *
53. Yeyumari *
1. Cirino, II : 32-34.
2. DeGoeje, 1943 : 118.
3. Cirino, 1:18-19.
Akamiyuman. Constellation of the Trumpeter Bird.
Akami (Psophidae). There was a constellation of this name but presently the villagers
can't identify it. In this constellation several birds standing in a row were represented. Its
rising coincides with the mating season of the wood trumpeters.
Akuliyuman. Constellation of the Aguti.
Akuli (Dasyprocta aguti). This constellation should rise under that of the Awara
Palm, representing an aguti eating the fruits of this tree (Penard, 1907 : 104). Presently
unknown.
Akusiweiyuman. Constellation of the Acuchi.
Akusiwei (Dasyprocta acuchi). It rises under the constellation of the Awara Palm along
with that of the Aguti (Penard, 1907 : 104). Like the former, unknown.
Ahtkuma. Star of Alukuma.
Ahikuma, Arukuma, Alukuyuman. Oualoukouma (de Rochefort : 526). According to
Penard, Caterpillar Star, Morning and Evening Star (1907 : 105). Alukuma, «the mother
of knowledge» bore seven children (without a man) who became Siritjo (the Pleiades);
she herself became the Morning Star, Venus. Sometimes mentioned as The Wife of the
Moon (Penard, 1908 : 61; Roth : 260). Ahlbrinck identified it as Venus (104; 440).
No myths regarding Alukuma are presently known. It corresponds to just before
sunrise. [Breton says the Carib refer to Venus as Limagari and Toubayuda but does not
tell if they thought they were two different stars (338 ; 473). ]
Anuwanayuman. Constellation of the King Vulture.
Anuwana (Gypagus papa). This was a constellation but it is presently unknown. It
represented a King Vulture.
Arapapayuman. Constellation of the Spoonbill Bird.
Arapapa (Ajaia ajaja). In Penard (1907 : 104). Presently unknown.

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