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APHRA BEHN (1640-1689)

De
330 pages
It was Aphra Behn who opened up new paths for women, in their quest for an identity, to know themselves better by discovering the other. As the many books published in Britain and in the United States over the last years, this volume reveals the numerous facets of the writer, while stressing her ambiguity.
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APHRA BEHN
(1640 - 1689)

Collection Des idées et des femmes

dirigée par Guyonne Leduc Ancienne élève de l'École Normale Supérieure (Sèvres)
Professeur à l'Université Charles de Gaulle

- Lille

III

Des idées et des femmes, collection pluridisciplinaire dépourvue de tout esprit partisan, gynophile ou gynophobe, a pour objet de présenter des études situées à la croisée de la littérature, de l'histoire des idées et des mentalités, à l'époque moderne et contemporaine. Les thématiques y auront trait aux femmes en général ou à des figures précises de femmes, avec prise en compte de leur globalité (de leur sensibilité comme de leur intellect). Le monde occidental constituera, dans un premier temps, le champ géographique concerné, ce qui n'exclut pas une ouverture ultérieure potentielle aux mondes oriental et extrême-oriental.

Ouvrages parus Boulard, Claire. Presse et socialisation féminine en Angleterre au XVIIIe siècle: « Conversations à l'heure du thé. »2000.537 pp. Enderlein, Évelyne. Les Femmes en Russie Perspectives 1975-1999. 1999.213 pp. soviétique 1945-1975.

Genevray, Françoise. George Sand et ses contemporains russes: Audience, échos, réécriture. 2000. 410 pp. Leduc, Guyonne, direL'Éducation des femmes en Europe et en Amérique du Nord, de la Renaissance à 1848: Réalités et représentations. 1997. 525 pp. Leduc, Guyonne. L'Éducation des Anglaises au XVIIIe siècle: La Conception de Henry Fielding. 1999.416 pp.
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L'Harmattan, 2000 ISBN: 2-7384-9753-5

EDS. Mary Ann O'DONNELL, Bernard DHUICQ and Guyonne LEDUC

APHRA BERN (1640 - 1689) Identity, Alterity, Ambiguity

L'Harmattan
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By the same authors O'Donnell, Mary Ann. Aphra Behn: An Annotated Bibliography of Primary and Secondary Sources. New York: Garland, 1986. (2nd ed. forthcoming, London: Ashgate, 2001). "Aphra Behn: Tory Wit and Unconventional Woman." Women Writers of the Seventeenth Century. Ed. Katharina Wilson and Frank Warnke. Athens: UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1989.341-374. "A Verse Miscellany of Aphra Behn: Bodleian Library MS Firth c.16." English Manuscript Studies. Ed. Peter BeaI and Jeremy Griffiths. Vol. 2. Oxford: Blackwell, 1989. 189-227. "Private Jottings, Public Utterances: Aphra Behn's Published Writings and Her Commonplace Book." Aphra Behn Studies. Ed. Janet Todd. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. 285-309. Dhuicq, Bernard. (trans.). Behn, Aphra. La Belle Infidèle et autre récits [Translations of The Fair Jilt, The History of the Nun, or, The Fair Vow-Breaker, and Oroonoko.] Paris: Philippe Picquier, 1990. 225 pp. (trans.) Behn, Aphra. Une Heureuse Occasion; ou, Le Marche conclu par un echevin de Londres [The Luckey Chance]. Montpellier: Maison Antoine Vitez, Centre International de la Traduction Théâtrale, [1994]. 116 pp. (trans.) Pepys, Samuel. Journal. 2 vols. [Translation and notes of the year 1667 of the Diary.] Paris: Robert Laffont, "Bouquins," 1994. 2:635-1121. Leduc, Guyonne. Morale et religion dans les essais et dans les Mélanges de Henry Fielding. 2 vols. Paris: Didier Érudition, 1990. XIII + 931 pp. dir. L'Éducation des femmes en Europe et en Amérique du Nord, de la Renaissance à 1848: Réalités et représentations. Paris: L'Harmattan, "Des idées et des femmes," 1997. 525 pp. L'Éducation des Anglaises au XVIIIe siècle: La Conception de Henry Fielding. Paris: L'Harmattan, "Des idées et des femmes," 1999. 416 pp. Acknowledgements We gratefully acknowledge the kind pennission of Eighteenth-Century Fiction to reprint part of "Rereading Prose Fiction: Lyric Convention in Aphra Belm and Eliza Haywood" by G. Gabrielle Starr, which appeared in 12:1 (1999): 1-18 and a shortened version of Janet Todd's "Fatal Fluency: Behn's Fiction and the Restoration Letter," ECF 12.2-3 (2000): 417-434. This special issue carries the title Reconsidering the Rise of the Novel. Some material in Jane Spencer's essay is taken with pennission from her book Aphra Behn's Afterlife (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).

TABLE OF CONTENTS
In tro du cti 0n Acknowledgements XI XIX

France and Roman Catholicism: Intertextuality in Aphra Behn's Works Bernard Dhuicq (U of Sorbonne Nouvelle - Paris III, France) "Aphra Behn Unmasqued": A. Behn's Translation of La Rochefoucauld's Réflexions Line Cottegnies (U of Paris VIII, France) Viragos and "Soft" Men: Androgyny in Aphra Behn's Fiction Jorge Figueroa Dorrego (U of Vigo, Spain) Estranging the Familiar, Familiarizing the Strange: Self and Other in Oroonoko and The Widdow Ranter Margarete Rubik (U ofVienna, Austria) Reconstructing Aphra Behn Angeline Goreau Representations of "Times of Trouble": Aphra Behn's The Young King; or, The Mistake and Calderon's Life Is a Dream Judy Hayden (U of East Anglia, Great Britain) "Deceptio visus": Aphra Behn's Negotiation with Farce in The Emperor of the Moon Steven Henderson (U of Leeds, Great Britain) Gender, Family, and Race in Aphra Behn's Abdelazer Joyce MacDonald (U of Kentucky, USA» "We were somebody in England": Identity, Gender and Status in The Widdow Ranter Liz Bridges (Loughborough U, Great Britain) The Widdow Ranter: Old World, New World - Exploring an Era' s Authority Paradigms Shannon Ross (U of Ottawa, Canada)

1

13 25

33 43

49

59 67

75

81

From Pastoral to "Pastorelle": A New Context for Reading Aphra Behn Heidi Laudien (U of Maryland, USA) Myth and Mythmaking in the Works of Aphra Behn Mary Ann O'Donnell (Manhattan College, USA) Love's "Proper Musick": Lyric Inflection in Behn's Epistles G. Gabrielle Starr (New York U, USA) Aphra Behn: La Première narratrice antiesclavagiste de la littérature moderne? Carminella Biondi (U of Bologna, Italy) Aphra Behn's Oroonoko and the Anxiety of Decay Shirley Tatum (Sonoma State U, USA) Aphra Behn Revisited Maureen Duffy Consent and Female Honor in The Luckey Chance Anita Pacheco (U of He rtfordshire,Great Britain) "Secret Instructions to the People": The Political Dimension of The Luckey Chance
Cat h ri n Br 0 c kh au s

91 101 111

125 131

...

139 145

............................... ... ................................. .. ..............

155

"There's Difference in Sexes": Masculine Sexuality and Female Desire in Behn's The Feigned Courtesans Paulette Scott (Eastern Washington U, USA) Power of the Powerless in Aphra Behn's The Rover Khaoula Chahed Lakhoua (U of Tunis 1, Tunisia) Mother, Stepmother, and the Mother Tongue: Women beyond the Grotesque in Aphra Behn's Sir Patient Fancy Sue Crowson (Texas Woman's U, USA) "Silent in th'inchanting Circle": Women and Language in Sir Patient Fancy Derek Hughes (U of Warwick, Great Britain) Love-Letters and Critical History Janet Todd (U of East Anglia, Great Britain) Aphra Behn and the Male Muse Susannah Quinsee (U of Liverpool, Great Britain)

167 177

183 191 197 203

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Aphra Behn: A Conversa from Surinam? Norman Simms (Waikato U, New Zealand) "AIme in liberate avvezze": Behn's Version ofTasso's Golden Age Germaine Greer (U of Warwick, Great Britain) The Reception of Aphra Behn in the Making of the English Canon Jane Spencer (U of Exeter, Great Britain) Amalgamating an Author: Aphra Behn in Two Biographies of the Long Eighteenth Century Jeslyn Medoff (U of Massachusetts/Boston, USA) At London and Paris: Pursuing Behn's French Connections Joanna Lipking (Northwestern U, USA) Roundtable Janet Todd, Maureen Duffy, Germaine Greer, Mary Ann O'Donnell, Bernard Dhuicq

215 225 235

249 259

277

Notes on contributors In dex

...

...

295 303

IX

INTRODUCTION

This volume arises from an international conference held at the Sorbonne on July 8th, 9th and lOth 1999. The object of the conference was to take stock of the current state of Aphra Behn studies. It is not, however, possible to be comprehensive because of the many missing pieces in the puzzle which is the life of the first English woman to make a living with her pen - a life so fraught with events that it is bound to give birth to many new biographies. It is also impossible to consider this research to be definitive since the production of this many faceted woman writer is so vast: she started writing plays, then went on with lyrical poetry and occasional longer poems, before lapsing into a new genre, the novel. Throughout her career she also demonstrated her expertise in translating French works of very different styles and natures where she sometimes became invisible in a very modern way. There she displayed one of the many modern elements in her writing and thought where she was so much of a forerunner. Her work is a reflection of a period that was marked by events which turned the English social and political1andscape upside down, sending tremors throughout France and Europe. It is at this time that England made the transition from being a closed society to become an open one, allowing some individuals, as Locke demonstrated, to assert their identities while becoming conscious of their differences with others. Aphra Behn asserted her identity in opposition to a male-dominated world; there is no need to recall at this stage her feminist stances before the term was coined. Her experiences as a traveler allowed her to give visions of three continents, America, Africa and Europe, which she brought together in Oroonoko, in which she reveals the modernity of her thought by adopting a stance against slavery. She was not, however, in a position to carry her convictions to their logical conclusion and took refuge in ambiguity. The themes chosen for the Conference, Identity, Alterity, Ambiguity, allowed American and European specialists to reveal a few aspects of Aphra Behn's mal1Yfaceted production and personality. French seventeeth- and eighteenth-century specialists presided over sessions which brought together not only pioneers in Behn studies - Maureen Duffy, Angeline Goreau, Germaine Greer, Joanna Lipking, Jeslyn Medoff, May Ann O'Donnell, Anita Pacheco, Margarete Rubik, Jane Spencer, Janet Todd al1d Derek Hughes, but also scholars of a younger generation or others with views off the beaten track, like Norman Simms, in the biographical field. They all bear witness to the considerable interest Aphra Behn and her work

are arousing by responding to the call for papers which the technicians of Manhattan College made available on the web. The book ends on a roundtable where experienced researchers give their conclusions, offer leads and open up new areas of research. The inclusion of the roundtable does not mean the book should be considered as a conventional publication of the Acts of a Conference. On the one hand the index and the bibliographies give the text a reference book status as a landmark in Aphra Behn studies. On the other hand, the book brings to light new elements by putting the emphasis on the European, more specifically the French dimension of Aphra Behn's writing. Over the past three decades conferences or study sessions have been held in the States and in England, thus ackowledging the importance of Aphra Behn - it was therefore necessary to organize this meeting in Paris in order to relocate the many sources of inspiration of Aphra Behn. Serendipity also came in to help give a new life to Aphra Behn's thought: parity between man and woman has been now written in the French Constitution and slavery is now declared a crime against humanity in France. This book will bear evidence of our Conference which is a first on the European continent. The European dimension was again stressed at the end of the Conference when it was brought to a close by the first staging in French of a play by Aphra Behn: The Rover, L'Écumeur - a comedy which takes place in Naples during the carnival. The play, translated and produced by Christine Dejoux, was staged in the Chapelle of the Sorbonne by the inmates of the prison in Bapaume. This staging was for these inmates a very moving start to their new careers as actresses and actors. They will popularize Aphra Behn and the vigor of her play writing. She indeed started her professional career by writing plays, possibly spending some time in prison herself, for debts when she returned from Antwerp where she had been a spy after her stay in Surinam. Critics and biographers put a lot ofthemselves in what they write because they very often are in sympathy with their subjects. All the participants in this Conference bear witness to the extent of the empathy or symbiosis in them towards Aphra Behn who keeps on creating "love at first sight" situations; they all, however, based their demonstrations on scientific arguments in their presentations. The portrait on the cover, chosen by Mary Ann O'Donnell, is symbolic, as is its date. The first Director of the NPG, Sir George Scharf, drew this sketch with a pencil st from a portrait which he described as "in style of Closterman" on the 21 of May 1873. He added that the portrait was very "clever & powerful," gave the name of the sitter "called «Mrs Behn,»" while leaving the colors to the imagination by means of simple indications: "eyeballs dark slate, eyebrows dark brown, Hair intensely dark rich brown, no ornaments, very full & hanging over her right shoulder." Sir George Scharfwas perhaps aware of the attacks the publisher, John XII

Pearson, had been the victim of after his reedition of the works of Aphra Behn in 1871 and also of the polemic battle that ensued. John Pearson's objective was first of all to rehabilitate Aphra Behn. In order to build a stronger defense of the "bold woman," in 1872 he gathered all the praises she had nevertheless received over the preceding two centuries. We are past that stage, but a lot remains to be done and we still have to finish our sketch and put in the colorings. This can only be done, as Germaine Greer stressed, by sharing our findings, leaning on previous discoveries and giving credit where it is due. We will thus give Aphra Behn the place she deserves in Literature which, as a universal value, helps us to know ourselves better through discovering others, without constraint nor prejudices. Our greatest hope is that this present publication will serve to enrich our research and help make Aphra Behn better known.
Bernard Dhuicq

XIII

INTRODUCTION

Le présent ouvrage rassemble les communications qui ont été effectuées lors du Colloque international tenu en Sorbonne les 8, 9 et 10 juillet 1999. Ce colloque avait pour but de dresser le bilan de la recherche sur Aphra Behn; ce bilan cependant ne peut être exhaustif en raison des zones d'ombre qui demeurent portées sur l'existence même de la prelnière Anglaise à vivre de sa plume, existence dont la richesse alimentera encore de nombreuses biographies; le bilan ne peut non plus être définitif en raison de l'ampleur de l'œuvre de cet auteur féminin polygraphe qui s'aventura dans la production théâtrale, dans la poésie lyrique et dans les poèmes de circonstances, et qui ouvrit la voie à un genre nouveau, le roman, tout en montrant son talent de traductrice. Elle réussit à se rendre traductrice invisible dans certaines de ses traductions d'ouvrages français, affichant ainsi un des nombreux éléments de modernité que son œuvre et sa pensée préfigurent souvent. L'œuvre d'Aphra Behn est le reflet d'une époque marquée par des événements qui bouleversèrent le paysage social et politique anglais et qui eurent des échos en France et en Europe. C'est en effet le moment où l'Angleterre passe d'une société fermée à une société ouverte, ce qui permet à l'individu, comme Locke, à cette même époque, le démontrera, d'affirmer son identité en prenant conscience de sa différence par rapport à l'autre. Aphra Behn proclamera en effet son identité en s'opposant à un environnement fondé sur l'autorité masculine (faut-il rappeler ici ses engagements féministes avant la lettre?); grande voyageuse, elle donnera sa vision de trois mondes, l'Amérique, l'Afrique et l'Europe, qu'elle fait se rencontrer dans Oroonoko où elle affiche sa modernité par ses prises de position antiesclavagistes; elle ne pourra cependant aller jusqu'au bout dans ses convictions et se verra forcée de se réfugier dans l'ambiguïté. Les thèmes retenus pour le colloque, Identité, Altérité, Ambiguïté, ont donc permis aux spécialistes européens et américains de révéler quelques-unes des multiples facettes de l'œuvre et de la personnalité d'Aphra Behn; des dix-septièmistes et dix-huitèmistes français acceptèrent de présider les séances où se retrouvèrent non seulement ceux qui furent des pionniers dans le domaine des études behniennes, Maureen Duffy, Angeline Goreau, Germaine Greer, Joanna Lipking, Jesslyn Medoff, Mary Ann O'Donnell, Anita Pacheco, Jane Spencer, Janet Todd et Derek Hughes, mais aussi d'autres chercheurs, débutants, parfois déroutant, comme Norman Simms pour ce qui est de la biographie. Ils démontrèrent tous l'intérêt

XIV

que suscitent Aphra Behn et ses écrits en répondant à l'appel à communications largement diffusé sur la "toile" grâce aux techniciens de Manhattan College. L'ouvrage se termine par la transcription d'une table ronde où s'exprimèrent les chercheurs chevronnés, table ronde dont les résonances seront autant de directions pour la jeune recherche, mais il constitue en fait plus qu'une simple publication d'Actes. D'une part son index et sa richesse bibliographique en font un ouvrage de référence, véritable jalon dans la recherche sur Aphra Behn, d'autre part il apporte des éléments nouveaux en soulignant la dimension européenne, française en particulier de l'œuvre d'Aphra Behn. Si les pays anglo-saxons ont depuis près de trois décennies reconnu l'importance de cet auteur femme, il convenait de tenir cette manifestation en France afin de resituer les nombreuses sources d'inspiration d'Aphra Behn. Les événements récents ont servi fortuitement à redonner vie également à la pensée d'Aphra Behn: la parité entre homme et femme est maintenant inscrite dans la Constitution française, l'esclavage est déclaré crime contre l'humanité. Notre ouvrage gardera témoignage de cette rencontre qui est une première sur le continent européen. La dimension européenne fut également soulignée par la clôture du colloque qui se termina par la première représentation en français d'une œuvre d'Aphra Behn: The Rover, L'Écumeur, comédie qui se déroule à Naples pendant le carnaval. Cette pièce, traduite et mise en scène par Christine Dejoux, fut jouée dans la Chapelle de la Sorbonne par les détenus de la prison de Bapaume. Cette production fut pour ceux-là une étape émouvante vers une nouvelle vie d'actrices et d'acteurs; ils feront ainsi connaître Aphra Behn et la fougue de sa production théâtrale. Elle commença au théâtre sa carrière d'écrivain professionnel, ayant, elle aussi, connu peut-être un séjour en prison pour dettes, séjour qu'on lui aurait infligé à son retour d'Anvers où elle était espionne après son séjour au Surinam. Si critiques et biographes mettent beaucoup d'eux-mêmes dans ce qu'ils écrivent, c'est qu'ils ressentent souvent beaucoup de sympathie pour leur sujet. C'est le cas de tous les participants qui démontrent dans les pages qui suivent combien la sYlnbiose et l'empathie peuvent être grandes avec Aphra Behn, auteur qui ne cesse de susciter des coups de cœur; tous, cependant, fondent leur argumentation sur des bases scientifiques nécessaires à tout travail universitaire. Le portrait, choisi par Mary Ann O'Donnell pour notre couverture, est un symbole; sa date est également Importante. Le premier Directeur de la National Portrait Gallery, sir George Scharf, esquissa au crayon ce portrait d'après un tableau qu'il décrit comme étant "in style of Closterman. " Il effectua ce dessin le 21 mai 1873, ajouta que Ie portrait était "very clever & powerful," donna Ie nom du modèle "called «Mrs Behn»" tout en laissant le soin d'imaginer les couleurs qu'il indiqua simplement "eyeballs dark slate, eyebrows dark brown, Hair intensely dark rich brown, no ornaments, very full & hanging over her right shoulder." Peut-être sir George xv

Scharf était-il au courant des attaques qu'avait subies l'éditeur John Pearson après sa réédition des œuvres d'Aphra Behn en 1871 et de la polémique qui s'ensuivit. John Pearson voulait d'abord réhabiliter Aphra Behn et, pour mieux défendre cette femme si audacieuse dans ses écrits et dans son existence, il rassembla en 1872 les louanges qu'elle avait néanmoins reçues pendant deux siècles. Nous avons quelque peu dépassé ce stade, mais il reste beaucoup à faire et il nous incombe de compléter le tableau et de donner des couleurs au portrait. Ce travail ne peut s'accomplir qu'en partageant nos découvertes, qu'en nous appuyant sur les découvertes précédentes et en rendant hommage là où il est dû, comme le souligna Germaine Greer. Nous redonnerons ainsi à Aphra Behn la place qu'elle mérite dans la Littérature qui, valeur universelle, doit servir à mieux se connaître par la découverte de l'autre sans contrainte ni préjugé. Notre recueil, c'est notre plus grand souhait, servira ainsi à élargir nos recherches et à mieux faire connaître Aphra Behn.
Bernard Dhuicq

XVI

REMERCIEMENTS

Il convient de remercier les instances suivantes sans l'aide financière et matérielle desquelles le Colloque et ses diverses manifestations n'auraient pu se tenir: Le ministère des Affaires étrangères, le CNRS, le British Council, le Rectorat de Paris, l'Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle Paris III (la Présidence, le Secrétariat Général, les Services financiers, le Conseil scientifique, les Relations Internati0nales, le DEA Littératures, Arts, Langues et Linguistiques des Pays anglophones (Responsable: Bernard Brugière), la Bibliothèque du Centre Censier), la Bibliothèque Sainte Geneviève, l'Université de Paris-Sorbonne - Paris IV, l'Université de

Panthéon-Sorbonne- Paris I, la Direction de la Cité Universitaire et la Mairie de
Paris. Une mention particulière est réservé aux instances et aux personnels administratifs et techniciens de Manhattan College sans lesquels la communication et l'information du Colloque n'auraient pu être assurées. Qu'ils soient ici remerciés chaleureusement. Le ministère de la Culture et le ministère de la Justice ont permis la représentation de L'Écumeur dans la Chapelle de la Sorbonne. D'autres instances ont accordé à notre Colloque un grand soutien moral dont nous les remercions: La Direction de l'Enseignement Supérieur et de la Recherche, la Coordination française pOllr le Lobby Européen des Femmes, le Secrétariat Général aux Droits des Femmes, le Secrétariat Général du Conseil de l'Europe. La diffusion de la tenue du Colloque n'a été possible que grâce au concours de la Société des Anglicistes de l'Enseignement Supérieur, de la European Society for the Study of English (ESSE), du Bulletin de la Société d'Études Anglo-Américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe Siècles (BSÉAA XVII-XVIII), du Bulletin de la Société Française d'Étude du XVIIIe Siècle, de la revue XVIIe Siècle et du Centre Informatique de Manhattan College qui a mis au point notre site.

XVII

Il convient également de remercier les personnes suivantes qui ont apporté soit leurs encouragements amicaux soit leur aide personnelle à l'organisation du colloque à Paris: Mesdames et Messieurs Henri Behar, Helmut Bonheim, Luce Bonnerot, Fathie Boubertekh, Jean-Loup Bourget, Christophe Campos, Christine Dejoux, Claude Delmas, Mireille Delbraccio, Paul Denizot (t), Christophe Dhuicq, Nadine Dormoy, Bernice Dubois, Jean-Louis Duchet, Robert Ellrodt, Corinne et Adelin Fioratto, Édith Flamarion, Marie-Thérèse Fouillade, Marie-Madeleine Fragonard, Danièle Frison, Denise Fuchs, Roger Greaves, Adolphe Haberer, Marie-Thérèse Jullian, Tünde Kis, Gilbert Krebs, Guy Laprevotte, Nicole Le Brenne, Abdelhakim Lekebir, JeanLouis Leutrat, Marie-Madeleine Martinet, Francine Masliah, Patrick Michaud, Georges Molinié, Alain Morvan, Delphine Prudhomme, Didier Ramon, Augustin Redondo, Jean Revel-Mouroz, Florence Renaudin, Nadia Rigaud, Jean-Claude Sergeant, Jacqueline Schlissinger, Évelyne Sullerot, Marie-Thérèse Texeraud, John Tod. Un grand nombre de personnes nous ont aidé à tous les niveaux et dans tous les services; même si leur nom ne figure pas ici, que tous soient remerciés vivement pour leur contribution à la réalisation de notre projet et pardonnent cette omission. Enfin que soient remerciés également les collègues qui ont présidés nos séances: Mesdames et Messieurs les professeurs Michel Baridon, Guyonne Leduc, Mary Ann O'Donnell, Jean Pironon, Michèle Plaisant, Louis Roux et Marie-Claire Rouyer-Daney. Outre-Atlantique, il convient de remercier particulièrement Frère Thomas Scanlan, FSC, Président de Manhattan College, et Dr Weldon Jackson, Provost de Manhattan College, qui a permis au Doyen de la School of Arts, Mary Ann O'Donnell, de se consacrer à la préparation du Colloque et à la publication des Actes. Il faut aussi remercier Nevert Wanger, Professeur, Nancy Cave, Responsable administrative et créatrice du site du Colloque, Aline McGrail, Teresa O'Donnell, Responsables administratives, toutes de la School of Arts ainsi que Cindy Duggan du Centre informatique. Il faut aussi remercier Sean O'Donnell qui a apporté son assistance technique à toute l'entreprise et à New York et à Paris. L'organisateur du colloque a enfin le plaisir de remercier tout particulièrement ses co-rédactrices, Guyonne Leduc, pour le soin qu'elle apporte à la préparation de l'ouvrage et à sa mise en page, et à Mary Ann O'Donnell, plus spécialement, qui a assumé toute la tâche de préparation des articles, de leur mise au point afin de les rendre prêts à cliché, la transcription de la table ronde et sa mise en forme. Que celle-ci reçoivent notre hommage avec toute la considération que nous lui devons. Bernard Dhuicq XVIII

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The French authorities and agencies listed above under Remerciements and the British Council have to be thanked for their financial and material contributions without which our Conference and its various events would not have been possible. Manhattan College and its administrative and technical staff deserve a special mention for their assistance for which we are all most grateful. The staging of L'Écumeur (from Aphra Behn's The Rover) in the Chapel of the Sorbonne was made possible by permission of the Ministère de la Culture and the Ministère de la Justice.
Moral support was given to our Conference by other authorities (see under Remerciements), to whom we express our heartfelt thanks.

Our Conference was brought to the attention of scholars and the general public with the assistance of the French and European Societies and Bulletins listed under "Remerciements," and in particular thanks to the expertise and efficiency of the Computer Center of Manhattan College. The persons named above provided the Paris organizer with encouragement and!or their personal assistance for which he is most grateful. Many others acted generously in different departments and services of various Institutions; they must forgive the organizers for not being mentioned but be assured of our gratitude for their help. Our chairpersons also deserve our deepest thanks: Professors Michel Baridon, Guyonne Leduc, Mary Ann O'Donnell, Jean Pironon, Michèle Plaisant, Louis Roux and Marie-Claire Rouyer-Daney. In Manhattan College, Br. Thomas Scanlan, FSC, President of Manhattan College, and Dr Weldon Jackson, Provost, very obligingly allowed Dean Mary Ann O'Donnell to devote a great part of her time to the preparation of the Conference and the publication of the current Acta. He should receive our special thanks. For their assistance, Professor Nevert Wanger, who generously assisted in guiding and XIX

interpreting for the participants of the conference, Nancy Cave, Administrative officer and website expert who, with Cindy Duggan, set up the web site, Aline McGrail, Administrative officer, and Teresa O'Donnell, Administrative officer, all of the School of Arts, must also be thanked. Sean O'Donnell deserves a special and personal mention for his unflinching technical assistance in our enterprise both in New York and Paris. There remains a pleasant task to perform by the Paris organizer - to express his acknowledgements to both his co-editors: to Guyonne Leduc for her exactness and thoroughness in the preparation of the book and its layout; and more particularly to Mary Ann O'Donnell, who accepted to take entirely upon herself to prepare the articles for press, to finalize the round table and to draw up the index. For achieving all these tasks and many others, let her accept our homage and the esteem we all owe her.
Bernard Dhuicq

xx

FRANCE AND ROMAN CATHOLICISM: INTERTEXTUALITY IN APHRA BERN'S WORKS

Bernard Dhuicq

The importance of France and French authors as well as their intertextual manifestations is first evidenced by the translations Aphra Behn produced in the last part of her authorial career. The term translation is used here with qualification in the light of its range of meanings as defined by Abraham Cowley, James Howell, Richard Fanshaw,l and John Dryden, who theorized on the three ways of translatIng:
First, that of Metaphrase, or turning an Authour word by word, and Line by Line, from one Language into another. . .. The second way is that of Paraphrase, or Translation with Latitude, where the Authour is kept in view by the Translator, so as never to be lost, but his words are not so strictly follow 'd as his sense, and that too is admitted to be amplyfied but not alter 'd. . . . The Third way is that of Imitation, where the Translator (ifnow he has not lost that Name) assumes the liberty not only to vary from the words and sence, but to forsake them both as he sees occasion: and taking only some general hints from the Original, to run division on the ground-work, as he pleases.2

Aphra Behn herself took part in the debate, showing once again her intellectual acumen and her awareness of contemporary issues. In 1688, in "The Translator's Preface" placed before A Discovery of New Worlds, her translation of Fontenelle's Entretiens sur la pluralité des mondes, she sums up her views on translated prose, or rather expounds on the discrepancies and the affinities among various languages that make translating easier or more difficult.3 In 1700, her "Preface" was retitled "An Essay on Translated Prose" and made an exact diptych with the Essay on Translated Verse published by Roscommon in 1685 (73-86). Aphra Behn first translated or imitated, in Dryden's phrasing, poetical pieces by two minor précieux figures, Tallemant and Bonnecorse, respectively Le Voyage de l'Isle d'Amour, Le Second Voyage et La Montre, Le Boîtier et Le Miroir. Indeed, she instilled her own love life into those pieces before making it the matter of La Rochefoucauld's Maximes, where again she imitated but also paraphrased the French original. Under pressure for money and time, as she herself admits, she eventually gave a somewhat straightforward rendering of Fontenelle's Entretiens

sur la pluralité des mondes and Histoire des oracles. At this point in 1688, Behn was vying both with Peter Bellon in her endeavor to give an English version of de Brilhac's Agnes de Castro and with W. D. Knight, the Irish translator of Les Entretiens. She was so pressed with her translation of the latter that she was forced to admit in the "Translator's Preface" that she lacked the time to make it her own: "And I resolv 'd either to give you the French Book into English, or to give you the subject quite changed and made my own; but having neither health nor leisure for the last I offer you the first such as it is" (86). In a footnote, her publisher added: "Hearing a Translation of the Plurality of Worlds, was doing by another hand, the Translator [Behn] had not the opportunity to supervise and correct the Sheets before they were wrought off; so that several Errata have escaped. The most material ones are under-written." A list of errata follows.4 The translations as sketched above can be divided into three groups that are to some extent in keeping with the last two ways of translating as defined by Dryden. The three groups also help trace the strains underlying the influence of France and French authors, an influence which, to a certain extent, is a reflection of the various aspects of intertextuality and can be construed on another level as three stances in front ofreality. The first group of translations, represented by the works of Bonnecorse and Tallemant, accounts for the précieux streaks in Aphra Behn's writings, which can be labelled as tradition on the one hand and escapism on the other; the second group is represented by Seneca Unmasqued, where La Rochefoucauld's cynicism and libertinism are tinged with a Hobbesian hue added by the translator, and may be viewed as harsh and stark contemporaneity; while Fontenelle's works epitomize the modernistic approach to reality, the description of the other, and an incipient assertion of women's rights. Indeed, the stylistic aspects in the three respective groups of translations also reveal these three strains: conceits and dissection of amatory discourses, terse apothegms, and easy prose. Aphra Behn's attachment to and attraction by France are also expressed in her plays, prose-works, and poetry in many ways that resemble those disclosed in the translations. However, though adopting a chronological and genre survey, the limits of this article are by necessity incomplete; it is yet possible to attempt to give a list of elements, other than the translations proper, that are intertextual and paratextual instances. Among the latter, there stands out forcefully the French epigram introducing the publication ofher very first play, The Forc'd Marriage, in 1671: "Va mon enfant! prend [sic] tafortune-."s While Behn owned the authorship ofher very first play in such a maieutic way, Dryden drew out the metaphor, perhaps unwittingly, in the Epilogue he wrote for her posthumous play: The Widdow Ranter, in 1696: "This ,,6 an Orphan Child; a bouncing Boy, / 'Tis late to lay him out, or to deis stray.

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The stage directions set The Forc'd Marriage, or the Jealous Husband "Within the Court of France," where the characters are very much akin to those of La Calprenède, Honoré d'Urfé, or Scudéry, and the plot with its forced marriage and thwarted love unfolds in a bergerie-like atmosphere, where a carte du tendre might prove useful to explore this sentimental journey. Indeed, the plot recurs throughout Behn's production. It will be repeated, tragically, in Oroonoko in 1688, in an African court resembling a European royal court, fraught with intrigues and plots, not far removed from the Versailles or the Whitehall of the day, as a General's daughter, Imoinda, is taken away from the eponymous hero's arms, this time, by a senile King. In Sir Patient Fancy in 1678, Aphra Behn borrowed from three of Molière's plays, Le Malade imaginaire, Les Femmes savantes, and L'Amour médecin, borrowings that led to the first accusation of plagiarism against her.? In 1683, she published The Young King, a "youthful sally of [her] Pen," reminiscent of La Calprenède's Cléopâtre, with a Dedication signed Astrea.8 Behn used the same alias as her spy-name, later signed various prefaces and dedications with it, and was still called by it by Alexander Pope in his often-quoted couplet.9 The reference to Honoré d'Urfé's Astrée needs not be stressed here. In 1687, Aphra Behn acknowledged her debt to an Italian source, without giving the name of the farce upon which The Emperor of the Moon is based: "A very barren and thin hint of the Plot I had from the Italian, and which, even as it was, was acted in France eighty odd times without intermission."IO After disparaging the standards of French tastes in the matter, she ends up asserting the use she made ofher model: "all the Words are wholly new, without onefrom the Original" (157, lines 48-49). As evidenced first by Montague Summers, the French model is Arlequin, Empereur dans la Lune (1684).11 Another likely source, offered by Janet Todd, is Histoire comique ou Voyage dans la Lune (154). As far as prose-works are concerned, two are blatant examples of French intertextuality: the three parts of Love-Letters between a Noble-Man and His Sister (1684, 1685, 1687) and The Lucky Mistake, published posthumously in 1689. While nearly contemporary French history makes its way into the Love-Letters, Behn herself contends that she found the source of her inspiration in a French book and is precise about the date of her stay in France; she seems to make use here of a spying ploy, giving false leads:
Having when I was at Paris last Spring, met with a little Book of Letters, call' d L 'Intregue de Philander & Silvia, I had a particular fancy, besides my inclinations to translate' em into English, which I have done as faithfully as I cou' d, only where he speaks of the ingratitude of Cœsario to the King, I have added a word or two to his Character that might render it a little more parallel to that of a modem Prince in our Age; for the rest I have kept close to the French.I2

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Some scholars surmise she may indeed have found shelter in France or on the continent when times were difficult for her in London in 1683. Indeed, after the threat of arrest following her attack on Monmouth in the epilogue to Romulus and Hersilia, she might have left England.I3 Not only French models and genres (for example, Les Lettres de la religieuse portugaise, translated by L'Estrange in 1678), but also French history can be traced in Behn's first attempt at writing fiction. Indeed, past and almost contemporary French events playa considerable part in her creation and are admirably blended with a fait divers, the elopement of Henrietta Berkeley with her brother-in-law, Ford, Lord Grey ofWerk, as well as with Monmouth's rebellion. Several explicit references to French history make up the Argument at the beginning of The Love-Letters. The opening sentence of the Argument indicates the breadth of the parallel conspiracies: "In the time of the Rebellion of the true Protestant Hugonots in Paris, under the conduct of the Prince ofCondy (whom we will call Caesario) many illustrious persons were drawn into the Association," while the conclusion sums up the fate of the rebels: "[L]et it suffice, the Hugonots were defeated and the King got the day, and every Rebel lay et the mercy of his Sovereign (9-10). The source for the Argument may be found in The Prince of Conde Made English, a translation from the French published in 1675.14 The Prince of Conde is actually based on the rebellion of the Huguenot party led by Louis de Bourbon, Prince de Condé, and the Civil War that followed the conspiracy of Amboise, its merciless repression by the Guises, and the massacre at Vas si on March 1, 1562. Aphra Behn's concatenation in The Love-Letters must be made clear. The events related in The Prince of Conde and presented by Behn in the Argument date back to the previous century, while the characters in The Love-Letters, a roman à clef, were instantly recognized under their tag-names by contemporary English readers.Is Indeed Aphra Behn masterfully blends French history and English contemporary events, using the former to throw light upon or to teach a politicallesson about the latter. Echoing Dryden's Absalom and Achitophel, she reports contemporaneous events in an almost modem journalistic way to castigate Monmouth's rebellion and the actions of the Whigs and draws a parallel between the progress of Charles II's illegitimate son and that of Condé, here Ie Grand Condé. She merges the two French episodes, the first rebellion of the Huguenots and the Fronde, drifting away from the former to concentrate on the latter, since Monmouth's career is similar to some extent to that of Ie Grand Condé who died while The LoveLetters were being written. In fact, as England experienced the Puritan Revolt and the beheading of the king in 1649, the French looked upon this as an example of a world turned upside down, and this was used as a foil against Condé's Fronde. These events, the "Ormée" in Bordeaux, the Protestant rising, the contacts between the rebels and Cromwell, took place, of course, before Aphra Behn's ma-

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turity. Did the child hear of these contacts between the Roundheads and the Huguenots? Or, as could be surmised, did Aphra Behn learn about them later through William Scot, her "lover" in Surinam and later her spy-connection in Antwerp? William Scot's father, Thomas Scot, the Regicide, was partly in charge of the intelligence for Cromwell, and, as such, knew directly of the Sieur de Barrière's endeavors in London to obtain Cromwell's help for the Rebels in Bordeaux. The three volumes of Love-Letters are set in France, and Aphra Behn managed a tour de force by keeping pace with actual events that were taking place in England and Flanders and by finding parallels between the misdeeds of Monmouth and those of Condé at an earlier date. Thus, at the end she has to equate the Bastille with the Tower, but she remains faithful to reality in her description of Monmouth's execution on July 15, 1687.16 The second instance of direct allusions to France and French settings is The Lucky Mistake, the plot of which is somewhat weak when compared to other prose pieces, but with a reprise of The Fair Jilt, in which sisters are depicted as rivals. The Lucky Mistake begins with an arranged marriage between a very young heiress, Atlante, and an old, impoverished count, Vemole; through various immoral financial hagglings the Count accepts Charlot, Atlante's younger sister, as a substitute with their father's consent. A similar arrangement in which the two sisters' love affections are bartered leads in a rather callous way to apparently happy unions. Atlante is wed to her young and rich lover, Rinaldo, while Charlot's marriage to the old Count rescues her from the convent in which her father had placed her to preserve the family fortune for his elder daughter. Once more, Aphra Behn brings in the Fronde and the earlier Protestant rising, mentioning "the Hugonots" and "Cardinal Mazarine" as she did in the Love-Letters.l? She thus adds this touch of contemporaneous intertextuality to the actual location of the story, the Loire valley. Before broaching the second aspect of intertextuality, Roman Catholicism, it is fitting to stress that history proper may offer the linchpin for a rapid survey of religious elements in Aphra Behn's works. In the late years of the decade following his Restoration, Charles II was actively setting up plans for the Treaty of Dover, signed in 1670, the secret clauses ofwhich implied the return of England to the fold of Roman Catholicism under the aegis of France. Behn's connections with Roman Catholics have been amply emphasized; as have her references to religion18 and biblical readings with all her qualified reservations.19 The Luckey Chance begins with a direct allusion to Saint amer, from which Jesuits would set out on secret missions to England. Belmour, having stolen a letter written by Sir Feeble Fainwoud's brother from the Hague, approaches Lady ,,20 Fulbank as her nephew and as "a right Saint Omers Spark. Was Behn referring to Saint amer in order to attack indirectly Titus Oates, as Janet Todd suggests

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(444), or was she again showing her knowledge of Roman Catholicism with all the ambiguity she used habitually?21 The prose-works, Love-Letters, Oroonoko, The Fair Jilt, and The History of the Nun; or, The Fair Vow-Breaker also testify to Behn's interest in and ambiguity about Roman Catholicism. In the Love-Letters, this interest is first and foremost instanced by what can be regarded as a purple patch in the work where Octavio enters the Order of Saint Bernard (380-383). The author-narrator, entranced by the ordination ceremony of Octavio, gives a description that reads like a piece of mystical prose. This passage deserves to be retained as an example of the emotional and physiological responses to religion that were the mainsprings of the Counter Reformation. Attention is indeed focused on Catholicism in the Love-Letters, where its institutions are presented as shelters against too cruel a reality. Octavio finds solace in taking holy orders after being abandoned by Sylvia. This may be the first instance-and one of the rare instances-when a man follows the pattern traditionally set for women. Calista, Octavio's sister, does likewise: she too enters a religious order after being seduced and abandoned by Philander. However, in The Fair Jilt and The History of the Nun, Behn no longer indulges in the raptures brought about by Catholic ceremonies. Rather, she criticizes indirectly the restriction religion imposes upon human nature: convents and monasteries are described as places of seclusion against all principles of nature, rife with repeated sacrileges and vow-breakings. Referring to herself, Behn thus writes:
I once was design'd an humble Votary in the House of Devotion, but fancying my selfnot endu'd with an obstinacy of Mind, great enough to secure me from the Efforts and Vanities of the World, I rather chose to deny my self that Content I could not certainly promise my self, than to languish (as I have seen some do) in a certain Affliction. . .. [N]evertheless, I could wish, for the prevention of abundance of Mischiefs and Miseries, that Nunneries and Marriages were not to be enter'd into, 'till the Maid, so destin'd, were of a mature Age to make her own Choices.22

The comparison between secluded life and marriage, against both of which Behn inveighs in her plays, is a recurrent theme in her works. But above all, when Behn mentions France, she does so with the intention of using this country as a foil. France becomes a mirror held up to English readers; the reflection of past or near-contemporary French events helps Behn understand, and allows her to make her readers understand, English history and contemporary events. She is primarily interested in promoting and extolling, with the help of negative French examples, the glory of England. This is seen in the Love-Letters when Philander compares Cesario's popularity with that of Elizabeth of England:

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As the Maiden Queen I have read of in England, who made herself idoliz' d by that sole piece of politick Cunning, understanding well the stubborn yet good Nature of the People; and; gained more upon 'em by those little Arts, than if she had parted with all the Prerogatives of her Crown. (397)

In Oroonoko, beyond history and faction, taking also her distance as a historian, or even politician, Aphra Behn assumes a modem stance by criticizing government policy, for instance when she regrets the loss of Surinam:
Though, in a Word, I must say thus much ofit, That certainly had his late Majesty, of sacred Memory, but seen and known what a vast and charming World he had been Master of in that Continent, he would never have parted so Easily with it to
the Dutch.23

At all times, she is preoccupied with English affairs. She cannot help mentioning the most horrible crime, the regicide, reports of which had reached even the heart of Africa, Coromantien: "[H]e [Oroonoko] had heard of the late Civil Wars in England, and the deplorable Death of our great Monarch; and wou' d discourse of it with all the Sense, and Abhorrence of the Injustice imaginable" (62). If, in the Love-Letters, Condé and his rebellion are used as prime movers for the story, French history is soon cast aside and contemporary English events come to the foreground, thus following Monmouth's progress toward execution. Aphra Behn's obsession with English affairs is counterbalanced not only by her female characters, who have to stand against "a man's world," but also by the Indians and Oroonoko, who, in Oroonoko, are pitted against Christian values and beliefs. In this work, Behn, heralding modem ethnologists, acknowledges the existence and the worth of other societies, other values. Indeed, on the eve of the Glorious Revolution, Aphra Behn may be expressing her disillusion and, to some extent, irreligion in The Nun and The Fair Jilt. In Oroonoko, in the second and revised epistle dedicatory she, herself, or the printer removed her praise of Lord Maitland, an avowed Catholic, in which she was expressing herself as belongin¥ overtly to this faith: was this deletion based on politicalor economic reasons?2 However, in the same prose-work, she criticizes religion openly on repeated occasions; one such example is found in the passage where she gives a rapid portrait of Oroonoko's French tutor: "This French-Man was banish'd out of his own Country, for some Heretical Notions he held: and though he was a Man of very little Religion, he had admirable Morals, and a brave Soul" (81). Another instance is when the narrator tries to bring Oroonoko and Imoinda to the Christian faith: "But of all Discourses, Cœsar lik'd that the worst, and would never be reconcil'd to our Notions of the Trinity, ofwhich he ever made a Jest; it was a Riddle, he said, wou'd turn his Brain to conceive, and one cou'd not make him understand what Faith was" (93). 7

In yet another passage, Oroonoko refers to the methods used to convert black slaves to Christianity and questions the results of such methods: "they [the slaves] wanted only but to be whipt into the knowledge of the Christian Gods to be the vilest of all creeping things; to learn to Worship such Deities as had not Power to make 'em Just, Brave, or Honest" (109). The story ends with the gruesome description of Oroonoko's tortures, which may be read like an inversion of Christ's Passion, since the hero is not ready to forgive and will die a Pagan refusing to listen to the entreaties of a group of Colonists, represented by the generic pronoun "We"
[the colonists] Whipt them in a most deplorable and inhumane Manner, rending the very Flesh from their Bones; especially Cœsar. . . . When they thought they were sufficiently Reveng'd on him, they unty'd him, almost Fainting with loss of Blood, from a thousand Wounds all over his Body; from which they had rent his Cloaths, and led him Bleeding and Naked as he was; and loaded him all over with Irons; and then rubb'd his Wounds, to compleat their Cruelty, with Indian Pepper, which had like to have made him raving Mad. . . . We said all things to him, that Trouble, Pitty and Good Nature cou'd suggest; Protesting our Innocency of the Fact, and our Abhorance of such Cruelties. Making a Thousand Professions of Services to him, and Begging as many Pardons for the Offenders, till we said so much, that he believ'd we had no Hand in his ill Treatment: but told us, he cou' d never pardon Byam. (110-111)

The humane party, represented by "the Females"-Aphra Behn, her mother, sister, and "Woman"-actually adumbrate the presence of two of them at Oroonoko's execution: "My Mother and Sister were by him all the while but not suffer'd to save him" (118). Should these passages be read as another intertextuality of Christ's sufferings in the presence of Mary, Mary Magdalen, and Martha? The ambiguity of Aphra Behn's position towards Catholicism and religion in general is just one aspect of her overall ambiguity. Influenced by her own experience, she assessed and valued personal qualities in all individuals and condemned base and vulgar sycophants. This is particularly striking in the way she introduces Colonel Martin: "an English Gentleman, Brother to Harry Martin, the great Oliverian" (97). Later on in the story, she announces the appearance of the same character in her "New" play?S As the slaves are rebelling and the women are taking shelter away from the plantation, she writes:
We met on the River with Colonel Martin, a Man of great Gallantry, Wit, and Goodness, and whom I have celebrated in a Character ofmy New Comedy, by his own Name, in Memory of so brave a Man: He was Wise and Eloquent; and, from the fineness of his Parts, bore a great Sway over the Hearts of all the Colony; He

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was a Friend to Cœsar, and resented this false Dealing with him very much" (111 ).

Four years earlier, in 1684, in order to escape from this cruel world, Aphra Behn had resorted to finding solace in a sort of Utopia, the myth of the Golden Age. Here again she repeats in a long paraphrase a French model that, in its turn, is a repetition of the choir ending the first act of Tasso's Aminta.26 This paraphrase is part of a long discourse offered by Aphra Behn on love and eroticism.27 By viewing reality through the eyes and experiences of others, Aphra Behn shaped up her identity, which led her to observe her contemporaries with poise and lack of prejudices, writing as a true moralist. However, because of her status as a woman in a Court whose model was to some extent Versailles, she had to adopt ambiguous attitudes: she dedicated her History of Oracles, another work by Fontenelle, to Lord Jeffreys, president of the "Bloody Assizes," and she spumed the trimmer Gilbert Burnet at the end ofher career. Notes
1 I refer to Cowley's Pindarique Odes Written in Imitation of the Stile and Manner of the Odes of Pindar, 1656 (London, 1680); James Howell's Epistolae Ho-Elianae, (London, 1650), i, 213, ii, 62-63; and Richard Fanshaw's translation of II Pastor Fido, by Giovanni Battista Guarini (London, 1647), A4. t 2 John Dryden, "The Preface to Ovid's Epistles," in Ovid's Epistles Translated by Several Hands (London: For Jacob Tonson, 1680), A8r-A8v. See also Bernard Dhuicq, "Aphra Behn: Théorie et pratique de la traduction au XVIIe siècle," Franco-British Studies 10 (1990): 75-98, and Elizabeth Spearing, "Aphra Behn: The Politics of Translation," Aphra Behn Studies, ed. Janet Todd, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 154-177. 3 A Discovery of New Worlds, in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, vol. 4 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1993), 73-86. As Todd states, "Behn may be paraphrasing the works of John Wilkins on language" (73, note d). For bibliographical information on this work, see Mary Ann O'Donnell, Aphra Behn: An Annotated Bibliography (New York: Garland, 1986), 240-244. 4 A Discovery of New Worlds. From the French. Made English by Mrs. A. Behn (London: For William Canning, 1688), Xlr. 5 The Forc'd Marriage, in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, vol. 5 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1996), 1. This epigram makes a good starting point for a study of Aphra Behn' s views on authorship and incipient "copyrights." On authorship and plagiarism, see Laura 1. Rosenthal, Playwrights and Plagiarists in Early Modern England (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996), and also Bernard Dhuicq, "Aphra Behn, écrivain professionnel: Du plagiat aux droits d'auteur," BSÉAA XVII-XVIII 50 (2000): 51-65. 6 The Widdow Ranter, in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, vol. 7 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1996), 354, lines 27-28. Todd helpfully provides the separately published prologue and epilogue that Dryden wrote specifically for this play along with the prologue and epilogue that the printer substituted in the place of the intended ones. For a discussion on this, see O'Donnell, pp. 158160.

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7 Incidentally, she only acknowledged borrowing from the first comedy, although Lady Knowell, "An Affected Learned Woman" bears great resemblance to characters in Molière's Femmes savantes. 8 The Young King, in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, vol. 7 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1996), 83, lines 5-6. The name "Astrea" in relation to Behn is first mentioned by William Byam in a letter dated March the 14th 1663: "the sympatheticall passion of ye Grand Sheapheard Celedon who is fled after Astrea, being resolvd to espouse all distresse or felicities wth her." (Colonising Expeditions to the West Indies and Guiana, 1623-1667. Hakluyt Society, ed. V. T. Harlow, 2nd ser., 56 [London, Hakluyt Society, 1925], 191). These documents are discussed by Harrison Platt, "Astrea and Celadon: An Untouched Portrait of Aphra Behn," PMLA 49 (1934): 544-559. 9 "The stage how loosely does Astrea tread, / And fairly puts all characters to bed!" The First Epistle of the Second Book of Horace. To Augustus" (1737) lines 290-291. 10The Emperor of the Moon, in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, vol. 7 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1996), 157, lines 41-42. Il The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Montague Summers (London: Heinemann, 1915),3:387). 12Love-Letters between a Noble-Man and His Sister, in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, vol. 2 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1993), 3. Janet Todd points out the non-existence of "the little Book." 13Maureen Duffy mentions her conjecture about Paris in The Passionate Shepherdess (London: Jonathan Cape, 1977), 230, and Mary Ann O'Donnell suggests Venice as another place of exile (6). Janet Todd also suggests Paris in The Secret Life of Aphra Behn (London: André Deutsch, 1996), 294-296. 14The French original, Edme Boursault's Le Prince de Condé (Paris: Jean Guignard, 1675), was translated in the same year (London: Henry Herringman, 1675). Janet Todd offers many other French works that could be regarded as likely sources of inspiration to Aphra Behn's Love-Letters (4:viii). 15In at least one case, the tag name is almost identical to that of the real person: Fergussano for Fergusson, the Plotter. 16Bernard Dhuicq, "Fait divers, histoire et fiction: Les Love Letters between a Nobleman and his Sister (Part I 1684, Part II 1685, Part III 1687) d'Aphra Behn," Le credibile jinzioni della storia, Cultura e societa 8, a cura da Daniela Gallingani (Firenze: Centro Editoriale Toscano, 1996), 65-76. 17The Lucky Mistake, in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, vol. 3 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1995), 168. 18See Gerald Duchovnay, "Aphra Behn's Religion," Notes and Queries, 221[n.s. 23] (1976), 235-237, and Mary Ann O'Donnell, 147. 19Bernard Dhuicq, "De la 'jeune fille savante' et de la 'femme vertueuse' au savoir sauvage': Anna Maria van Schurman, Bathsua Makin et Aphra Behn," L'Éducation des femmes en Europe et en Amérique du Nord, de la Renaissance à 1848: Réalités et représentations, ed. Guyonne Leduc (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1997), 123-134. 20 The Luckey Chance, in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, vol. 7 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1996), 1.1.251. 21Bernard Dhuicq, "Religion in Aphra Behn's Works: Representation and Misrepresentation," Studies in English Literature (Tokyo) 71.2 (1995): 93-112. 22The History of the Nun, in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, vol. 3 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1995), 212-213. 23Oroonoko, in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, vol. 3 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1995), 95. 24See Duchovnay; 235-237, and O'Donnell, 147. 25A character named "Marteen" appears in her posthumously produced and published The Younger Brother. 10

26 "The Golden Age," in The Works of Aphra Behn, ed. Janet Todd, vol. 1 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1992), 30-35 and notes, 384-385. 27Bernard Dhuicq, "Aphra Behn: Au-delà de l'érotisme," in Mélanges offerts à Robert El/rodt, ed. Henri Adamczewski, Bernard Brugière, Suzy Halimi, and Gisèle Venet (Paris: PSN, 1994), 132149.

Il

"APHRA BERN UNMASQUED": A. BERN'S TRANSLATION LA ROCHEFOUCAULD'S Line Cottegnies OF

RÉFLEXIONS

ln 1685, Aphra Behn included a translation of La Rochefoucauld's Réflexions ou Sentences et Maximes morales in the collective volume entitled Miscellany, Being a Collection of Poems By Several Hands.! As has been established by Bernard Dhuicq and Janet Todd, Behn used the 1675 edition,2 that is, the fourth one, even though the last of the series of editions of the Réflexions, augmented, had been published in 1678. Behn precedes her translation with a loose partial paraphrase of the preface to the first edition (1665), which had been dropped from all subsequent editions of La Rochefoucauld's work. All this seems to indicate that coming somehow into possession of the first edition for her translation of the preface, she, however, turned to a later one for her translation of the maxims, perhaps unaware of the 1678 authoritative edition, published even later. With a total of 391 maxims,3 she translated 391 of the 413 original ones, omitted twenty-two,4 invented two completely new ones,s linked six together, repeated four, and changed the order of the sequence. Her version reveals a complex attitude towards translation; we know that Behn had given to this problem a great deal of thought since she was to write a short essay on translated prose the following year, and she had already translated several texts from the French. Only a few years before, in his Preface to Ovid's Epistles, Dryden had described the various strategies in translation successively as "Metaphrase, or turning an Authour word by word, and Line by Line, from one Language into another," "Paraphrase, or Translation with Latitude, where the Authour is kept in view by the Translator," and finally "Imitation, where the Translator (if now he has not lost that Name) assumes the liberty, not only to vary from the words and sence, but to forsake them both as he sees occasion.,,6 In this same collection, Behn herself had contributed "Œnone to Paris," a translation of the third kind, which Cowley would have called "Libertine" transI ation7 or the Frenchman Ménage would have labeled "belles Infidèles."g In her translation of La Rochefoucauld, Behn uses the three approaches indiscriminately. I have tried to divide the maxims into various categories according