Religious or Policy Justification for Violence?: A Quantitative ...
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Religious or Policy Justification for Violence?: A Quantitative ...

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Religious or Policy Justification for Violence?: A Quantitative Content Analysis of Bin Ladin’s Statements
Alejandro J. Beutel Junior Fellow, Minaret of Freedom Institute MPP Candidate, University of Maryland—College Park, School of Public Policy & Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad, Ph.D President, Minaret of Freedom Institute
Presented at the CSID 10th Annual Conference (May 5, 2009)
Abstract:  The potential of the new American Presidential administration to usher in a repaired relationship with Muslim communities around the world has met with skepticism by some analysts given the context of armed struggle between the American government and Al-Qaeda and its allies. Better relations with Muslim-majority communities will require an awareness among policymakers and opinion-shapers as to how the public statements of the figurehead of militant transnational opposition to the United States, Osama Bin Ladin, has been calculated to aect public opinion among the Muslims h seeks to motivate. Although polls demonstrate that Bin Ladin’s extremist ideology and indiscriminate violence against civilians are rejected by an overwhelming majority of Muslims, the political grievances he articulates against current and past policies by Western nations, especially the United States, are shared by a much wider audience. Misunderstanding, or misrepresenting, Bin Ladin's pitch as religious rather than political can be costly in terms of its
consequences in both the fight against terrorists and the promotion of American values in the Muslim world.   In a preliminary study of 10 statements from 2001-2006, we found that Bin Ladin referenced historical and current policy grievances to justify his belligerency 45% of the time, but employed religious arguments only 10% of the time. In this paper, we seek to expand the scope of that quantitative analysis to include all publicly available statements from 1996 to 2009. We provide an analysis of those findings and discuss their policy implications.
Section I. – Introduction  The potential of the new American Presidential administration to usher in a new relationship with Muslim communities around the world has met with skepticism by some analysts given the context of armed struggles between the American government and Al-Qaeda and its allies.1 Among other things, better relations with Muslim-majority communities will require policymakers and opinion-shapers to pay attention to the public statements of the figurehead of militant transnational opposition to the United States, Osama Bin Ladin.   Last year in February 2008, Newsweek magazine interviewed former 22-year CIA analyst and Bin Ladin Unit chief, Michael Scheuer. In the interview, Scheuer noted a new generation of middle class, well-educated Muslims were joining Al-Qaeda’s call to arms. In addition, he noted the main reason America is unable to defeat Al-Qaeda is due to the US government refusal to acknowledge—and tell the American people—it and other Western countries’ policies toward Muslim-majority states are the root of the problem.
1For instance see: Lee Keath, “Obama Wins Praise from Many Muslims.”Associated Press, (April 8, 2009). Available online:t/aseedlid/mldor://www.bhttp/mensww/soot.noc articles/2009/04/08/obama_wins_praise_in_muslim_world/?page=full. Last accessed 4.26/09; Genevive Abdo, “More Than Words.”Foreign Policy, (January 2009). Available online at:http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story id=4650. Last accessed _ 4/26/09.
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