Second Treatise of Government

John Locke

Description

Originally published in 1690, this brilliant work of political philosophy lays out John Locke's vision of the ideal civil society. He begins by setting forth his interpretation of the essential motivations and tendencies of humanity, and then prescribes a series of rules, laws, ideas and processes that represent an optimal balance between human nature and the rule of law.

Informations

• Publié par: The Floating Press
• Date de parution: 01 octobre 2016
• Nombre de lectures: 0
• EAN13: 9781776671335
• Langue: English

Extrait

SECOND TREATISE OF GOVERNMENT
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JOHN LOCKE
 
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Second Treatise of Government From a 1764 edition Epub ISBN 978-1-77667-133-5 Also available: PDF ISBN 978-1-77667-134-2 © 2016 The Floating Press and its licensors. All rights reserved. While every effort has been used to ensure the accuracy and reliability of the information contained in The Floating Press edition of this book, The Floating Press does not assume liability or responsibility for any errors or omissions in this book. The Floating Press does not accept responsibility for loss suffered as a result of reliance upon the accuracy or currency of information contained in this book. Do not use while operating a motor vehicle or heavy equipment. Many suitcases look alike. Visit www.thefloatingpress.com
Contents
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Preface Chapter I - An Essay Concerning the True Original, Extent and End of CivilGovernment Chapter II - Of the State of Nature Chapter III - Of the State of War Chapter IV - Of Slavery Chapter V - Of Property Chapter VI - Of Paternal Power Chapter VII - Of Political or Civil Society Chapter VIII - Of the Beginning of Political Societies Chapter IX - Of the Ends of Political Society and Government Chapter X - Of the Forms of a Common-Wealth Chapter XI - Of the Extent of the Legislative Power Chapter XII - Of the Legislative, Executive, and Federative Power of theCommon-Wealth Chapter XIII - Of the Subordination of the Powers of the Common-Wealth Chapter XIV - Of Prerogative Chapter XV - Of Paternal, Political, and Despotical Power, Considered Together Chapter XVI - Of Conquest Chapter XVII - Of Usurpation Chapter XVIII - Of Tyranny Chapter XIX - Of the Dissolution of Government Endnotes
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SALUS POPULI SUPREMA LEX ESTO
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1764 EDITOR'S NOTE
The present Edition of this Book has not only beencollated with the first three Editions, which were published during theAuthor's Life, but also has the Advantage of his last Corrections andImprovements, from a Copy delivered by him to Mr. Peter Coste,communicated to the Editor, and now lodged in Christ College, Cambridge.
Preface
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Reader, thou hast here the beginning and end of a discourse concerninggovernment; what fate has otherwise disposed of the papers that shouldhave filled up the middle, and were more than all the rest, it is notworth while to tell thee. These, which remain, I hope are sufficient toestablish the throne of our great restorer, our present King William; tomake good his title, in the consent of the people, which being the onlyone of all lawful governments, he has more fully and clearly, than anyprince in Christendom; and to justify to the world the people ofEngland, whose love of their just and natural rights, with theirresolution to preserve them, saved the nation when it was on the verybrink of slavery and ruin. If these papers have that evidence, I flattermyself is to be found in them, there will be no great miss of thosewhich are lost, and my reader may be satisfied without them: for Iimagine, I shall have neither the time, nor inclination to repeat mypains, and fill up the wanting part of my answer, by tracing Sir Robertagain, through all the windings and obscurities, which are to be metwith in the several branches of his wonderful system. The king, and bodyof the nation, have since so thoroughly confuted his Hypothesis, that Isuppose no body hereafter will have either the confidence to appearagainst our common safety, and be again an advocate for slavery; or theweakness to be deceived with contradictions dressed up in a popularstile, and well-turned periods: for if any one will be at the pains,himself, in those parts, which are here untouched, to strip Sir Robert'sdiscourses of the flourish of doubtful expressions, and endeavour toreduce his words to direct, positive, intelligible propositions, andthen compare them one with another, he will quickly be satisfied, therewas never so much glib nonsense put together in well-sounding English.If he think it not worth while to examine his works all thro', let himmake an experiment in that part, where he treats of usurpation; and lethim try, whether he can, with all his skill, make Sir Robertintelligible, and consistent with himself, or common sense. I should notspeak so plainly of a gentleman, long since past answering, had not thepulpit, of late years, publicly owned his doctrine, and made it thecurrent divinity of the times. It is necessary those men, who taking onthem to be teachers, have so dangerously misled others, should be openlyshewed of what authority this their Patriarch is, whom they have soblindly followed, that so they may either retract what upon so illgrounds they have vented, and cannot be maintained; or else justifythose principles which they preached up for gospel; though they had nobetter an author than an English courtier: for I should not have writagainst Sir Robert, or taken the pains to shew his mistakes,inconsistencies, and want of (what he so much boasts of, and pretendswholly to build on) scripture-proofs, were there not men amongst us,who, by crying up his books, and espousing his doctrine, save me fromthe reproach of writing against a dead adversary. They have been sozealous in this point, that, if I have done him any wrong, I cannot hopethey should spare me. I wish, where they have done the truth and thepublic wrong, they would be as ready to redress it, and allow its justweight to this reflection, viz. that there cannot be done a greatermischief to prince and people, than the propagating wrong notionsconcerning government; that so at last all times might not have reasonto complain of the Drum Ecclesiastic. If any one, concerned really fortruth, undertake the confutation of my Hypothesis, I promise him eitherto recant my mistake, upon fair conviction; or to answer hisdifficulties. But he must remember two things.
First, That cavilling here and there, at some expression, or littleincident of my discourse, is not an answer to my book.
Secondly, That I shall not take railing for arguments, nor think eitherof these worth my notice, though I shall always look on myself as boundto give satisfaction to any one, who shall appear to be conscientiouslyscrupulous in the point, and shall shew any just grounds for hisscruples.
I have nothing more, but to advertise the reader, that Observationsstands for Observations on Hobbs, Milton, &c. and that a bare quotationof pages always means pages of his Patriarcha, Edition 1680.
Chapter I - An Essay Concerning the True Original, Extent and End of CivilGovernment
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Sect. 1. It having been shewn in the foregoing discourse,
( 1 ). That Adam had not, either by natural right of fatherhood, or bypositive donation from God, any such authority over his children, ordominion over the world, as is pretended:
( 2 ). That if he had, his heirs, yet, had no right to it:
( 3 ). That if his heirs had, there being no law of nature nor positivelaw of God that determines which is the right heir in all cases that mayarise, the right of succession, and consequently of bearing rule, couldnot have been certainly determined:
( 4 ). That if even that had been determined, yet the knowledge of whichis the eldest line of Adam's posterity, being so long since utterlylost, that in the races of mankind and families of the world, thereremains not to one above another, the least pretence to be the eldesthouse, and to have the right of inheritance:
All these premises having, as I think, been clearly made out, it isimpossible that the rulers now on earth should make any benefit, orderive any the least shadow of authority from that, which is held to bethe fountain of all power, Adam's private dominion and paternaljurisdiction; so that he that will not give just occasion to think thatall government in the world is the product only of force and violence,and that men live together by no other rules but that of beasts, wherethe strongest carries it, and so lay a foundation for perpetual disorderand mischief, tumult, sedition and rebellion, (things that the followersof that hypothesis so loudly cry out against) must of necessity find outanother rise of government, another original of political power, andanother way of designing and knowing the persons that have it, than whatSir Robert Filmer hath taught us.
Sect. 2. To this purpose, I think it may not be amiss, to set down whatI take to be political power; that the power of a MAGISTRATE over asubject may be distinguished from that of a FATHER over his children, aMASTER over his servant, a HUSBAND over his wife, and a LORD over hisslave. All which distinct powers happening sometimes together in thesame man, if he be considered under these different relations, it mayhelp us to distinguish these powers one from wealth, a father of afamily, and a captain of a galley.
Sect. 3. POLITICAL POWER, then, I take to be a RIGHT of making laws withpenalties of death, and consequently all less penalties, for theregulating and preserving of property, and of employing the force of thecommunity, in the execution of such laws, and in the defence of thecommonwealth from foreign injury; and all this only for the publicgood.
Chapter II - Of the State of Nature
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Sect. 4. TO understand political power right, and derive it from itsoriginal, we must consider, what state all men are naturally in, andthat is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and disposeof their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the boundsof the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the willof any other man.
A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction isreciprocal, no one having more than another; there being nothing moreevident, than that creatures of the same species and rank, promiscuouslyborn to all the same advantages of nature, and the use of the samefaculties, should also be equal one amongst another withoutsubordination or subjection, unless the lord and master of them allshould, by any manifest declaration of his will,