Cosmopolitan Ireland

Kieran Keohane, Carmen Kuhling

Description

Ireland is going through a period of unprecedented economic and cultural growth and renewal. These changes are due in part to neoliberal policies that have attracted foreign investment.



The globalization of Ireland's economy has had major social consequences. Living standards are rising quickly. Emigration has reversed. Catholicism has been secularized, laws on divorce and sexuality have been liberalized and Ireland has become an urban society for the first time.



But there is stark inequality and social exclusion; epidemics of depression, alcoholism, and obesity; traditional values and community are declining; and there is deep ambivalence towards immigrants. Ireland's economy is globalized, but is Irish society cosmopolitan? Wealth has increased, but has quality of life improved? The authors explore the developments of the last 15 years, capturing the intensity of the debates that make up the new cosmopolitan multi-cultural Ireland.
Part 1: Globalisation and Social Inequality in Ireland.

1. Economics: Social inequality and the Celtic Tiger

2. Politics: Continuity and Change in Irish Political Culture

Part 2: Cosmopolitan Ireland (?): The Diversification and Commodification of Irish Identity.

3. Culture: Race and Multiculturalism in Ireland

4. Consumption: Guinness, Ballygowan and Riverdance: the Globalisation of Irish Identity

Part 3: Globalisation and the Quality of Life in Ireland.

5. Depression: The Melancholy Spirit of the Celtic Tiger.

6. Binge drinking and Overeating: Globalisation and Insatiability

Part 4: Beyond 'Consumer Citizenship' and Neo-Liberalism: Cosmopolitanising Ireland

7. Social Welfare and Redistribution: Taxation and 'Civic Health'

8. Education and Recognition: The Cultivation of a Cosmopolitan Imaginary

9. Conclusion: A Cosmopolitan Ethics for a Post-National Society

References

Index

Sujets

• Social Science
• POLITICAL SCIENCE
• Sociologie, société et politique
• Ireland
• Globalization
• Stephen Ireland

Informations

• Publié par: Pluto Press
• Date de parution: 20 juillet 2007
• Nombre de lectures: 0
• EAN13: 9781849643603
• Langue: English

Extrait

Cosmopolitan Ireland Globalisation and Quality of Life

CARMEN KUHLING and KIERAN KEOHANE

P Pluto Press LONDON • DUBLIN • ANN ARBOR, MI

First published 2007 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA and 839 Greene Street, Ann Arbor, MI 48106

Distributed in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland by Gill & Macmillan Distribution, Hume Avenue, Park West, Dublin 12, Ireland. Phone [phone]. Fax [phone]. E-Mail: [e-mail]

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Copyright © Carmen Kuhling and Kieran Keohane 2007

The right of Carmen Kuhling and Kieran Keohane to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

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This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin.

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This book is dedicated to our mothers, Adele and Maureen, and to our children, Ilyana and Ronan. You have taught us about so many things, including the cycle of intergenerational love, care and responsibility that has so enriched our lives and has informed our work. We are deeply grateful.

Globalisation and Quality of Life in Ireland

1

viii

Part 1

Globalisation and Social Inequality in Ireland

Acknowledgements

Part 3

Part 2

Economics: Social Inequality and the Celtic Tiger Politics: Continuity and Change in Irish Political Culture

TheDiversificationandCommodificationofIrishIdentity

e

3 4

51

76

Beyond‘ConsumerCitizenship’andNeoliberalism: Cosmopolitanising Ireland

nt

s

107

Depression: The Melancholy Spirit of the Celtic Tiger Binge Drinking and Overeating: Globalisation and Insatiability

129

Notes Bibliography Index

Part 4

216 222 241

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206

153

Cont

5 6

7 Social Welfare and Redistribution: Taxation and Civic Health 8 Education and Recognition: The Cultivation of a Cosmopolitan Imaginary 9 Conclusion: A Cosmopolitan Ethics for a Postnational Society

Introduction

11 29

Culture: Race and Multiculturalism in Ireland Consumption: Guinness, Ballygowan andRiverdance: The Globalisation of Irish Identity

1 2

Acknowledgements

We wish to thank our friends and colleagues whose conversation provided the inspiration for our exploration of this topic, and who embody the ideal of cosmopolitanism in various ways: Sarah Houston, Henry Morris, Dave Caffrey, Linda Keohane, Jim Cosgrave, Colin Coulter, Bruno Cooren and John Wholihane. We would like to thank our friends and colleagues at the University of Limerick and University College Cork, who have always supported our work: Sincere thanks to Eoin Devereux, Breda Gray, Amanda Haynes, Maura Adshead, Luke and Elisabeth (De Boer) Ashworth, Neil Robinson, Sinead McDermott, Pat O’Mahony, Ger Mullally, Paddy O’Carroll, Donncha Kavanagh and Cathal O’Connell. As well we would like to thank our colleagues Mary Corcoran and Michael Peillon at NUI Maynooth, Mark Hauggard in NUI Galway, and our Canadian colleagues John O’Neill (York) and to Kieran Bonner (Waterloo) for your helpful comments, advice and support.

viii

Introduction

Ireland is undergoing a period of both economic and cultural renewal. Between 1991 and 2003 the Irish economy grew by an average of 6.8 per cent per annum, peaking at 11.1 per cent in 1999. Unemployment fell from 18 per cent in the late 1980s to 4.2 per cent in 2005, and the Irish Debt/GDP ratio fell from 92 per cent in 1993 to 38 per cent in 1999. Throughout the 1990s Irish living standards rose dramatically to the point where the country is now, at least by some measures, one of the richest in the world, and has the fourth highest GDP per capita in the world. But, paradoxically, Irish people are the most heavily indebted in the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). At the same time Ireland has been experiencing major social and cultural change, which in some ways has secularised, liberalised and cosmopolitanised Ireland: emigration was reversed, which facilitated a ‘new multiculturalism’; divorce and homosexuality were legalised; the shift from rural to urban patterns of living accelerated. Most significantly, Ireland was effectively transformed from a premodern, peasant rural community to a postmodern, hightechnology urbanised society. The period coincided with the Peace Process in Northern Ireland, culminating in the Belfast Agreement in 1998, the decommissioning of IRA weapons in 2005, and the emergence (albeit fragile) of a postnationalistic political discourse. Coinciding with this economic growth are a series of social and cultural changes that have led some commentators to believe that Ireland is becoming globalised, or cosmopolitanised. During the same time frame as the economic boom, the cultural landscape was transformed as well; for this marked the emergence of the ‘Irish cultural renaissance’, of the globalisation of local talents, cultures and traditions. The decade produced a steady flow of international entertainment exports such as U2, The Corrs, The Cranberries, Enya, etc. The Irish film industry moguls and sports heroes flourished; Ireland won the Eurovision Song Contest five times during the 1990s, most notably in 1994 whenRiverdancewas first performed as an interval act, the same year that the term ‘Celtic Tiger’ appeared (in a Morgan Stanley report of August 1994). As well as producing local products for global export, Ireland became a new commodity market

1

2 Cosmopolitan Ireland

for designer goods and commodities of all sorts, and by the late 1990s consumer spending rose dramatically to unprecedented levels. More recently, Ireland has been described as the most globalised society in the world. The reversal of emigration, increasing levels of migrant labourers, the high levels of returning Irish émigrés or ‘homing pigeons’ accompanied by foreignacquired cultural and educational capital (and sometimes families as well) has enabled both business and tourism to market Ireland as more ‘cosmopolitan’ than ever before. With air traffic figures of Irish holidaymakers reaching unprecedented levels, it is clear that Ireland is becoming an increasingly mobile society. However, all of these factors obscure the basis of much contemporary debate: what exactly do we mean when we describe Irish society as increasingly globalised and cosmopolitan? Is globalisation synonymous with cosmopolitanism? What is the relationship between economic globalisation and cultural cosmopolitanism? Are we really becoming more cosmopolitan? Is cosmopolitanism, like ethnic food or fashion, only significant as something that can be consumed? If so, are we in danger of commodifying ourselves? If we are becoming cosmopolitan, is that necessarily a good thing? Are we, as McWilliams argues (2005: 215), ‘HiCos’ or ‘Hibernian Cosmopolitans’ who embrace a fervent localism or particularism to compensate for our complicity in globalised commodity fetishism? What unites the four sections of the book is the way in which they all reveal how social transformation in Ireland and its associated paradoxes can be understood in the context of contemporary debates on cosmopolitanism. The term cosmopolitan contains its own inherent contradictions, since it contains both elite and egalitarian pretensions. On the one hand, to describe someone as ‘cosmopolitan’ implies that they are ‘worldly’, ‘sophisticated’ and are a globally conscious person with wide international experience, a concept which has been critiqued because it presumes entitlement to an elite social and occupational status and various material and bureaucratic privileges (Calhoun, 2003), and is historically linked to the quasicolonial expansion of urban centres or metropolitan regions in the nineteenth century as a legitimation of their encroachment on geopolitically dispersed or vulnerable outlying territories (Simmel, 1997). On the other hand, the ancient Greek philosophers used this term derived fromcosmos(world) +polis(city, people, citizenry) to describe a (potentially) more egalitarian concept of ‘world citizenship’, understood as a universal love of humankind as a whole, regardless of nation. The more emancipatory understandings of cosmopolitan

Introduction 3

ism understood as ‘world citizenship’ have been recently revived by theorists such as Habermas and Held, who are attempting to develop a version of ‘cosmopolitan citizenship’ that can provide a moral and political framework of universal rights and political consensus which could challenge neoliberal globalisation. What we try to show here is that the Irish pursuit of the former definition of cosmopolitanism as social distinction, as opposed to the latter, as global citizenship or inclusion, results in an impoverished notion of cosmopolitanism that is in danger of reducing quality of life in Ireland. The contradictory and paradoxical understandings of what constitutes cosmopolitan ism reveals not only moral fragmentation and the increasing lack of consensus around what constitutes ‘the good life’ in Ireland, but also provides concrete examples of the multiple meanings behind the term ‘cosmopolitanism’ itself; as both a socially elite status that can be purchased, and as a potentially emancipatory concept of ‘world citizenship’ committed to reducing, not increasing, forms of social exclusion. Coinciding with economic and cultural transformations is the increasing concern expressed in public and political debate with regards to what constitutes the ‘good life’ in Ireland. In November 2004 the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) published the findings of a survey measuring the quality of life in 111 countries, finding that the Republic of Ireland is the happiest society in the world. Using a grid of indices including health, life expectancy, political freedom, unemployment, climate, political stability, security, gender equality, community and family life, Ireland scored 8.33 points out of 10. ‘Ireland wins’, according to the EIU, ‘because it successfully combines the most desirable elements of the new – the fourth highest gross domestic product per head in the world in 2005, low unemployment, political liberties – with the preservation of certain cosy elements of the old, such as stable family and community life’ (EIU, 2004). However, according to current Irish estimates as many as one in four men and one in two women suffer some form of depression, and the growing rates of binge drinking, suicide and other forms of selfharm in contemporary Ireland would appear to be distinctly at odds with this finding. Does the fact that we appear to be ‘happier’ mean that we have a better ‘quality of life’? Is ‘quality of life’ synonymous with ‘the good life’? Is the pursuit of happiness an adequate ideal for a cosmopolitan society? This book will explore the various meanings of the term ‘quality of life’ and how the recent diversification and increased multiculturalism in Ireland have provided, at the same

4 Cosmopolitan Ireland

time, ways to overcome historical mechanisms of oppression and repression, as well as providing a sense of moral confusion or anomie that is a source of melancholy and lack of wellbeing, which raises challenging questions about our quality of life. As well, we will examine the relationship between these two forms of cosmopolitanism and what we understand as quality of life. In this book, we will identify and analyse economic, political, social and cultural transformations, all of which feed into the widespread perception that Ireland is increasingly multicultural, global and therefore ‘cosmopolitan’, and will contrast this with a notion of how this positive new image does not match the reality of Ireland as a deeply stratified society. Moreover, we will examine how, despite allegedly high scores on ‘quality of life’ indices, at the level of the everyday there are many negative consequences of rapid social trans formation such as inflation, rising inequality, overcrowded health infrastructures and traffic congestion. As a result, the negative dimensions of globalisation and rapid social transformation are often attributed to the rising numbers of new migrant labourers, despite the fact that the real causes are more directly linked with the restructuring of labour due to global capital, poor management of Irish health and welfare infrastructure, and low taxation and government spending. The urgent question concerns the relationship between economic and cultural modernisation: is being happier the realisation of the good life? Does the Celtic Tiger represent an improvement in our overall quality of life, or moral bankruptcy and spiritual dereliction? If so, is there a solution beyond condemnation, repudiation and a nostalgic retreat to the past? In contrast, we will examine modern cosmopolitan culture by articulating the secularhumanist values and postconventional morality that are the foundational principles and aspirational ideals of world citizenship. And the limitations of nationalistic preoccupations in the past are greatly exacerbated presently, when all of these contexts are being thoroughly transformed by accelerated modernisation and globalisation. Global neoliberal political economy stands in need of the institutions of cosmopolitan society, cosmopolitan citizenship and global democracy. In order to understand this increasingly reconfigured relationship between the global and the local, we need to try to grasp the complexity of interactions between economic transformation and other socio cultural transformations. Within popular rhetoric, the relationship between culture and economy is often seen in unidirectional terms. For instance, at times this relationship is posited in economically

Introduction 5

determinist terms, as a direct causal product of the economic boom whereby a ‘newfound selfconfidence’ emerged directly from the liberalisation of internal markets, matched by the celebration of individual rights and liberties. This position is consistent with the historical materialist thesis whereby the economic base determines the cultural superstructure. In contrast, other arguments exhibit a more culturally deterministic position such as that expressed by Fitzgerald who argues that the Celtic Tiger economic boom and the accompanying prosperity emerged out of a new selfconfidence and a ‘positive, outwardlooking attitude that affects business, the educational system, and politics’. For him, cultural change ‘is probably the single most important fact underlying the current Irish economic renaissance’ (2000: 55). Fitzgerald articulates a dialectical view of the relationship between culture and economy in the Hegelian idealist tradition, which holds that history (or in this case the material reality of the ‘economic miracle’) is the materialisation of Spirit or ‘Geist’. The position we will take is a dialectical/reflexive/recursive theory characteristic of what is called the communicative or reflexive turn in social theory, which emphasises the multiplicity of interactions amongst the different domains of economy, society and culture. This approach involves a more critical perspective on the relationship between economy and culture; including the argument that culture as social critique has given way to culture as economic commodity. For instance, Kirby, Gibbons and Cronin argue that the Celtic Tiger has been inextricably bound up with a cultural discourse prioritising individualism, entrepreneurship, mobility, flexibility, innovation and competitiveness both as personal attributes and as dominant cultural values which displace earlier discourses prioritising national development, national identity, family, selfsacrifice, selfsufficiency and nationalism (Kirby, Gibbons and Cronin, 2002: 13). In turn, this displacement can itself produce new critiques, dissentions and subversions. Yet, in dominant discussions of the cosmopoli tanisation of Ireland, there is a tendency to conflate the global with negative tendencies and the local with positive, or vice versa, without examining how the new cosmopolitan Ireland contains positive and negative elements of each. The diverse and antagonistic character of the transformations that have accompanied Ireland’s experience of globalisation have produced a variety of cultural and social collisions between different and often incompatible forms of life, collisions between local and global, traditional and modern (or perhaps between traditional and postmodern), between Catholic