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Jesuits' Historiographic Canon in the Works of A. Wijuk-Koialowicz in the Age of the Historical Revolution (1580-1661) ; Jėzuitų istoriografinis kanonas A. Vijūko-Kojalavičiaus darbuose istorijos revoliucijos laikotarpiu (1580–1661)

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VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY THE LITHUANIAN INSTITUTE OF HISTORY Moreno BONDA JESUITS' HISTORIOGRAPHIC CANON IN THE WORKS OF A. WIJUK-KOIALOWICZ IN THE AGE OF THE HISTORICAL REVOLUTION (1580-1661) Doctoral Dissertation HUMANITIES, HISTORY (05 H) Kaunas, 2011 The doctoral dissertation was prepared at Vytautas Magnus University in 2006–2011. The doctoral study license is granted to Vytautas Magnus University together with the Lithuanian Institute of History by resolution No. 926 of the Government of the Republic of Lithuania on the th15 of July, 2003. Scientific supervisor: Prof. habil. dr. Egidijus Aleksandravičius (Vytautas Magnus University, Humanities, History 05 H) 2 CONTENTS FOREWORD .................................................................................................................................................. 5 INTRODUCTION .......... 6 I. EUROPEAN JESUITS' HISTORIOGRAPHIC CANON ..................................................................... 32 I.1. FOUR PARAMETERS FOR THE DEFINITION OF A JESUITS’ HISTORIOGRAPHY ..................... 33 I.1.1 Eduard Fueter’s Criteria .................................................................................... 33 I.1.2. Humanist Historiography as the “Origin” of the Modern One. ........... 36 I.1.3.

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Publié le 01 janvier 2011
Nombre de lectures 24
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VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY
THE LITHUANIAN INSTITUTE OF HISTORY





Moreno BONDA





JESUITS' HISTORIOGRAPHIC CANON
IN THE WORKS OF A. WIJUK-KOIALOWICZ
IN THE AGE OF THE HISTORICAL REVOLUTION (1580-1661)




Doctoral Dissertation

HUMANITIES, HISTORY (05 H)









Kaunas, 2011


The doctoral dissertation was prepared at Vytautas Magnus University in 2006–2011.
The doctoral study license is granted to Vytautas Magnus University together with the Lithuanian
Institute of History by resolution No. 926 of the Government of the Republic of Lithuania on the
th15 of July, 2003.


Scientific supervisor:
Prof. habil. dr. Egidijus Aleksandravičius
(Vytautas Magnus University, Humanities, History 05 H)
















2 CONTENTS
FOREWORD .................................................................................................................................................. 5
INTRODUCTION .......... 6

I. EUROPEAN JESUITS' HISTORIOGRAPHIC CANON ..................................................................... 32

I.1. FOUR PARAMETERS FOR THE DEFINITION OF A JESUITS’ HISTORIOGRAPHY ..................... 33
I.1.1 Eduard Fueter’s Criteria .................................................................................... 33
I.1.2. Humanist Historiography as the “Origin” of the Modern One. ........... 36
I.1.3. Re-Definition of the First Parameter: Permanence of the Scholasticism in the Neo-
Platonism .......................................................................................................................................................... 39
I.1.4. Re-Definition of the Second and Third Parameters: the Non-Opposition to the Pagan
Values Tradition ............................................................................................................................................. 44
I.1.5. Re-Definition of the Fourth Parameter: Rhetoric as a Method ........... 48

THI.2. THE PLACE OF HISTORY IN 17 CENTURY “ENCYCLOPEDIA OF SCIENCES” .......................... 52
I.2.1. Making history For the Major Glory of God (and Roman Church) ..................................... 52
I.2.2. Making History to Preserve Values: Jesuits and the New Political Doctrines ............... 54
I.2.3. The Cartesian Opposition to Memory .......................................................................................... 63

I.3. JESUITS HISTORIOGRAPHY IN EARLY MODERN EUROPE ............................. 70
I.3.1. General Traits of Jesuits’ Historiography ................................................................................... 71
I.3.2. Jesuit Historiographers .................................................... 77
I.3.3. Piotr Skarga and Pedro Hurtado de Mendoza – The Two Phases of Jesuits’
Historiography................................................ 85
I.3.4. Definition of History in the Ratio Atque Insitutio Studiorum ............................................... 89

I.4. ANTONIO POSSEVINO: THE DEFINITION OF THE HISTORIOGRAPHIC CANON ...................... 93
I.4.1. Possevino's Moscovia ......................................................................................................................... 93
I.4.2. The Bibliotheca Selecta: a Project of Historiographic Canon ............ 102

II. KOIALOWICZ AS A JESUIT HISTORIAN ..................................................................................... 108

II.1. FOUR UNIONIST WORKS: SKARGA'S SERMONS TO THE DIET, POSSEVINO’S MOSCOVIA
AND KOIALOWICZ’S FIRST BOOK OF HISTORIAE LITUANAE AND MISCELLANEA RERUM ....... 109
II.1.1. The “Polemical” Method of Skarga ........................................................................................... 113
II.1.2 Unionism in Possevino and Koialowicz: Historiae Lituanae as Implementation of the
Moscovia’s Theories. .................................................................. 114
II.1.3. Unitarism in Koialowicz’s Miscellanea Rerum ad Statum Ecclesiasticum in Magno
Lituaniae Ducatu pertinentium .............................................................................. 122

II.2. KOIALOWICZ'S HISTORIAE LITUANAE IN THE FRAME OF THE JESUITS
HISTORIOGRAPHY ..................................................................................................................................... 127
II.2.1. The Portrait of Mindaugas in Koialowicz: Between the structure of Stryjkowski and
the Philosophy of Mariana ....................................................................................................................... 128
II.2.2. Historiae Lituanae and Historiae de rebus Hispaniae: Outlines for a Comparative
Study ................................................................ 134

II.3. ADAM TANNER, MARTIN BECAN AND ALBERT WIJUK-KOIALOWICZ: THE STRUGGLE
AGAINST THE PHILOSOPHES FROM BOHEMIA TO LITHUANIA ....................................................... 140
II.3.1. Rhetoric as Means of Education ................................................................ 145
II.3.2. The Historical Context: a Force that Shapes Consciences ................ 148
3 II.3.3. The Second Level of Understanding of Historiae Lituanae: Religious and Political153
II.3.4. The Third Level of Understanding of Historiae Lituanae: Moral and Gnoseologic . 158

CONCLUSIONS .........................................................................................................................................165
ABBREVIATIONS....168
SOURCES ...................................................................................................................................................168
LITERATURE ...........171
PUBLICATIONS ON THE DISSERTATION THEME ........................................................................181


4 FOREWORD

This Doctoral work might appear too similar to a historiography handbook than to a monographic
research because of its approach to the object studied. Some will claim there is too much theory in
it and not enough work in the archives.
However, the main aim of a Doctoral research is to plug gaps being original and „useful.“
For this reason, and since all previous works on the subject are very vast in terms of archive
research and philological analysis but very poor in terms of philosophical contextualization of the
problem, we decide to adopt this second, peculiar, approach even if it is unusual for a doctoral
research.


5 INTRODUCTION

The Field of Research. 'Sometimes, the modern thought even seams to dissolve in the history.
[…] The History not only has acquired its own autonomy but the historical knowledge is now
1knowledge of the truth'. With these two short sentences, Federico Chabod pointed out, in his
Lessons of Historical Method, the relevance, in the coeval thought, of the history as an instrument
of knowledge in its widest sense. According to this scholar, not only the modern identities, but also
the whole modern thought is impregnated with historical reflection. However, the phenomenon is
not exclusively contemporary. Particularly during the Antiquity and Middle Ages, the philosophic
reflection was imbued with history even if the latter was subordinated to ethic and theology: the
dawn of humanity delimited the beginning of a process due to conclude with the accomplishment
2 thof the biblical prophecy. By the end of the 13 century, even the heritage of the Roman history
had been incorporated in the frame of a history guided by the divine providence where the
unification of the known world was due to prepare the descent of Christ among the men (see
§I.2.1.).
Nevertheless, it is only with the sunset of the medieval forma mentis, which subordinated
every aspect of life to the religion, that history begins to be partially freed from the subjection to
morals and the theology. This acquired autonomy stimulated the historical debate and, in turn, the
elaboration of a historical method that finally evolved in a philosophy of history. It is only with the
Humanism that history becomes an autonomous discipline, independent from the high purposes of
ththe ethic and the theology. Yet, even after the 16 century, while the autonomy of history had been
fully achieved by Humanists, some Christian historians continued to understand the study of the
past, and particularly its narrative, as an instrument more than a process. According to these
th th thChristian scholars of the 15 , 16 and early 17 centuries, the great efforts exerted by Christians
since the fall of the Roman Empire to make history the vox Dei, could not be wasted during the
ideological conflicts of the modern ages: while it is true that, on one hand, the modern thought
sometimes seems to dissolve in history, on the other hand, the challenges put out by the new
religious, political and scientific reforms made the philosophy of history an ideological battlefield
(§ I.2.2. and § I.2.3.).
Such an ideological and philosophical confrontation in the arena of history became
thparticularly intricate during the first half of the 17 century. In the context of the doctrinal debate,
the Protestants developed a historiography characterized by the marked influence of the biblical

1 Chabod Federico, Lezioni di metodo storico, Bari, Laterza, 1969, p. 9. To confirm this statement it is sufficient to
consider the importance of history in the German Idealism of Hegel or in the Italian one of Croce.
2 Ivi. p.10.
6 precepts and thus oriented toward the purity and simplicity of the origins. On the contrary, the
Catholic historians were leaned towards a historiographic approach meant to depict, by the means
of its narrative, the accomplishment of the Christian message through time. Therefore, while the
formers used historical narrative to demonstrate the well of the origins, the latter anticipated the
achievement of the end of history. It is obvious that the two different forms of history-making were
3directly influenced by the different religious doctrines (§II.3.3. and §I.2.3.).
Similarly, history was tightly connected with the practical philosophy and particularly the
political one. The forming of the national states, and the importance acquired by the civil and
4political dimensions during the Renaissance induced the philosophers to reflect about the nature of
the power and the aim of the state. They were often looking for technical norms in the examples of
the past. This approach, while apparently coherent with the Scholastic doctrine, evolved in a
direction immediately perceived by the Church as dangerous and insidious: it was the doctrine that
5 6could be labeled as political realism. As a matter of fact, the concept of virtue, the human
capability to control the effects of fate thanks to the knowledge of the (cyclic) events of history,
tended to substitute the fundamental role of the providence taught by the Christian conception of
7history. The moral and doctrinal implications of this new understanding of the paste were
obviously perceived as a danger by the Catholic Church especially for their political ramification
8(for a more detailed discussion of this subject, see §I.1.4, §I.2.2 and §II.3.3.).

3 For an extensive debate about this subject see Ambroise Jobert (ed.), De Luther à Mohila: la Pologne dans la crise de
la chrétienté, 1517-1648, Paris, Institut d'études slaves, 1974. While this collection of studies focuses on the Polish
situation, most of the theoretical premises apply tho the whole area of influence of the Protestant Reformation. This is
especially true with regards to the nexus between the doctrinal debate and the use of history for this purpose.
4 A valuable study on such processes as well as a representative research about a specific case is offered in Kuolys
Darius, Res Lituana. Kunigaikštystės Bendrija, vol. I, Vilnius, Lietuvių Literatūros ir Tautosakos Institutas, 2009. Very
useful to understand the new debate about the formation of the national states in that period are the bibliographic
sources mentioned in this work.
5 About this subject see Jacobelli Jader, Machiavelli e Guicciardini: alle radici del realismo politico, Milano, Mursia,
1998.
6 Of course, we are principally referring to Machiavelli and the conception of history defined in The Prince. According
to Machiavelli, history should be the source of examples for every action of a politician. History provides the objective
data on which the decisions have to be based that is, the models to be imitated. This idea is funded on the postulate of
the cyclic nature of history. However, it is the notion of virtue, as the ability to balance the influence of the fortune, to
drift him away from a deterministic ideology creating a contrast with the Christian doctrine that used to see in the fate
the inscrutable will of God. See Jacobelli Jader, Op. cit., p.13.
7 It is worth to mention in this context the emblematic commixture between historical thinking and the elaboration of a
sort of realism in Jean Bodin. His defense of the superiority of the politic over every other aspect of the life of a nation
(including religion) represents a serious challenge to the values elaborated by the Church basing on a philosophy (the
Scholastic) that perfectly harmonized the historical reflection with the Christian dogma. See in particular the eight
chapter of Jean Bodin, “Sei libri sullo stato”, in Cambiano Giuseppe and Mori Massimo (eds.), Storia e antologia della
filosofia, vol. 2, Roma-Bari, Laterza, 2002, p. 758 - 761.
8 The political realism was perceived as a particular dangerous doctrine especially for the analogies with a similar
realism spread among Protestant. Considerations of religious nature induced Luther himself to elaborate a sort of
realism that attributes to the civil authority the only function of crime repression. This kind of realism, even if
elaborated on a different background from that of Machiavelli, constituted a radical deviation from the Catholic
ideology. An illustrative passage in which this form of realism emerges might be found in Luther’s writing about the
secular authority: ‘and if in the whole world there would be only true Christians than kings and princes would not be
necessary anymore [...] because everybody would have the Holy Spirit in his hart.” “However”, continues Luther, “the
7 The picture became even more intricate when the Cartesian opposition between reason and
9memory insinuated in the historical debate. While such debate had to be framed in the process of
thscientific reformation of the 17 century, the ultimate cause of the dispute on history had to be seen
in the European diffusion of the Cartesian thought within areas of the knowledge where the
analytical method was not supposed to be employed. There was, in fact, a tight connection between
the method elaborated by René Descartes and his “encyclopedia of the sciences”. The certitude,
10aim of the Cartesian method, can be reached only analyzing ‘simple natures’, that is, objects
known by the means of an immediate intuition of the mind. Therefore, the certitude of the
knowledge is guaranteed by the rigor of the method and the simplicity of the objects it is applied
11to. By consequence, this conformation excluded from the catalogue of sciences (defined as
subjects susceptible of knowledge) all the disciplines which might have been defined as complex,
that is, not based on elementary objects likewise geometry and algebra. Moreover, and this is the
most relevant aspect for the purpose of this research, this theoretical approach defined as non-
sciences all the subjects related to memory which, for its nature itself, cannot come to a rigorous
certitude. From this postulate originates, in Descartes, the dichotomy between reason and memory.
thThis opposition influenced the historiographic debate. It became in the 17 century the base of
every consideration about the possibility to know the historical facts and the level of certitude
reachable.
The educated people of the Christian society immediately perceived the danger of the
spread of the Cartesian method. It was in 1619 that Descartes discovered ‘the fundamentals of an
12admirable science’, and when the Discours de la méthode was finally published (1637), Descartes
had already picked up the reputation of innovator as well as that of merciless critic of the
Scholastic philosophy. He was part of the koiné of intellectuals with whom corresponded,
discussed, and which had formulated expectations about him. Already in 1628 he was asked to
13write the Histoire de son esprit. For that reason, it is clear that not only he himself was conscious

Holy Spirit in not operating in the secular matters: here are the behaviors of the men to decide the events’. See
Cambiano Giuseppe and Mori Massimo, Op. cit., p. 752 - 754.
9 th About the influence of the Cartesian method on the philosophy of history of the 17 century and its evolution toward
a sort of new pyrrhonism, the essential reference is Borghero Carlo, La certezza e la storia. Cartesianesimo,
pirronismo e conoscenza storica, Milano, Franco Angeli, 1983. See also Borghero Carlo, Conoscenza e metodo della
storia da Cartesio a Voltaire, Torino, Loescher, 1990. While the first research focuses mainly on the theoretical debate
about history, the second tries to define the influence of the modern scientific thought on the development of the
historical method.
10 Descartes René, Discours de la méthode pour bien conduire sa raison, et chercher la verité dans les sciences, Leyde,
Ian Maire, 1637. The edition we refer to is Lucia Urbani Ulivi (ed), Cartesio. Discorso sul metodo, Milano, Bompiani,
2002. See p. 20 of this edition for an introduction to the idea of “simple natures”.
11 Ivi., p. 129 - 147.
12 Ibid., p. 10.
13 Ibid., p. 12.
8 of the revolutionary significance of his thought and its opposition to the Scholastics: the European
intellectuals were aware of it too.
At that time, it was the Scholastics that represented the dominating and undisputed culture,
not only in universities, but in the ecclesiastical hierarchy too. In fact, Scholastics had provided the
Christianity with the philosophical skeleton subsequently perfectly harmonized with the Catholic
dogma. By consequence, the Cartesian opposition to the Scholastic threatened to undermine the
cultural language of the Church. The ecclesiastic historiography could not avoid, during the first
thhalf of the 17 century, the confrontation with this philosophical doctrine (see § I.2.3.) and its roots
– the Renaissance scepticism.
th Summing up, it is clear that the historical debate during the last two decades of the 16 and
ththe first half of the 17 centuries was associated with political thought, doctrinal disputes, scientific
ideologies and morals (see § II.3.). The fate of the “science of history” would have determined the
destiny of the rules of the morals, the preservation of the Scholastic as the cultural language of the
Church and thus the historical role of the Church itself. It is with history as the ideological
battlefield described above that this study deals. This is the ideological frame in which the analysis
of Jesuit’s historiography is carried out in this research.

Chronological limits of the research. Even if it is with the spread of the Cartesian thought in
scientific spheres not supposed to be dependent on the “Method” that the climax of the crisis of
14history was reached, the so-called “revolution of historical though” had already begun almost a
thcentury before during the last two decades of the 16 century. It was Smith F. Fussner who defined
15the period 1580-1640 as the age of the English historical revolution, but a deeper analysis of the
European debate on the subject authorizes to adopt these dates as a valid chronological framework
16for the whole continent with reference to the historical writings.

14 Actually, it is possible to individuate two phases of propagation and proliferation of the Cartesian method in the field
of history: the first one, approximately 1619 - 1637, coincides with the philosophical production of Descartes himself.
The second period can be represented by the evolution and concrete application of the Cartesian method in the
th historical research and its theorization (it is a period that lasts at least until the first half of the 18 century). See
Borghero Carlo, Conoscenza e metodo..., Op. cit. p.12-21. Particularly representative of this second period is Nicolas
Malebranche. In his Recherche de la vérité (1674) he provides the most clear implementation of the Cartesian logic
asserting that the true sciences cannot rely on pseudo-sciences like philology or the study of ancient languages or even
history. The whole book is a manifesto of the new scientific thought: the uncompromising assumption of the opposition
between memory and reason. From the words of Malebranche it unfolds the wide spread revival of Augustine
condemnation of the interest for the vain and inquisitive sciences among the European philosophers. See Malebranche
Nicolas, De la recherche de la vérité. Où l'on traite de la Nature de l'Esprit de l'homme, & de l'usage qù l en doit faire
pour éviter l'erreur dans les Sciences, Paris, Christophe David, 1674. We refer to the edition Garin Maria (ed.), Nicolas
Malebranche. La ricerca della verità, Roma, Laterza, 2007.
15 Fussner F. Smith, The Historical Revolution: English historical writing and thought, 1580 -1640, Wesport,
Greenwood Press, 1967 (first edition: London, Routledge and Paul, 1962).
16 See chapter §I.2. for a more detailed definition of the European dimension of the debate. To anticipate the
demonstration of the amplitude of the querelle, it should be enough to mention the observations of Pier Gassendi
(France) about the historical or experimental science; the canonization of the historical pyrrhonism in François La
9 The phenomenon of the historical revolution had been partially delineated and understood
17from the anthropological perspective by Henri Lefebvre who labeled it as "end of history". Even
if the research perspective of the French scholar is slightly different from that of Fussner, it is
significant that the chronological limits of the two studies tend to coincide. It is clear that many
scholars have perceived in that period a significant revision of the philosophy of history.
A slightly wider chronological framework has been adopted by Carlo Borgero to analyze the
18same debate from the philosophical point of view: he decided to extend his study to the period of
the Enlightenment in order to show the diachronic development of the debate. In the same way,
Robert J.W. Evans approached the topic, as part of a study in intellectual history, with a
comparative method, but unlike the Italian scholar he drew parallels between different
19geographical realities in Europe. By doing this, Evans aimed to show the breadth of the
intellectual mobility and the spread of philosophical debates in a much-interconnected Europe than
the medieval or ancient one.
The fact that Europe was deeply interconnected before and during the period of the religious
20struggles is undisputed. As a matter of fact, not only the nobles used to travel from a court to
another, but, with many others people, also diplomats, merchants, intellectuals, and missionaries
21were crossing the continent for disparate reasons. Descartes too planned a journey across Europe
but eventually went no further than Germany and Sweden. Nonetheless, his philosophy reached the
borders of the Christianity.
It is interesting that the spread of Descartes’ theory about memory (and, thus, about history)
founded its specular version in the definition of the aim and function of history in the works of the
Jesuit Antonio Possevino (see § I.4.2). After his missions in North Italy and France, the papal
legate was sent to Muscovy in order to carry out a diplomatic duty: set the basis for a truce in the
Livonian war. However, hidden under the intermediation duty there was a religious task: to prepare

Mothe Le Vayer (France); Cornelis Jansen (the Netherlands) attempt to restore the historical authority of the Christian
doctrine with the theories expounded in his Augustinus; The efforts of John Craig (Scotland) to apply the theory of
statistical probability to the historical research to re-establish history among sciences; Johann Eisenhart (Germany)
research for a Scientia Fidei Historicae; Antonio Possevino (Italy) definition of history as ordinating criterion of the
human knowledge; the definition of a correspondence between the moral certitude and the historical one in Pedro
Hurtado de Mendoza (Spain).
17 Lefebvre Henri, La fin de l'histoire, Paris, Editions de Minuit, 1970. We used the Italian translation La fine della
storia: epilegomeni, Sugar, Milano 1970.
18 Borghero Carlo, Conoscenza e metodo... Op. cit., p. 5.
19 Evans Robert J.W., Rudolf 2nd and His World: A Study in Intellectual History: 1576-1612, Oxford, Clarendon Press,
1973.
20 Ivi., p. 18-19.
21 See the illustrative example of Vilnius in the study of Briedis Laimonas, Vilnius City of Strangers, Vilnius, Baltos
Lankos, 2008. In this book a city that most scholars would have considered to be at the border of Europe is depicted as
an active crossroads connected with the whole Europe.
10

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