Discours de Gandhi
5 pages
English
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Discours de Gandhi

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5 pages
English

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Discours prononcé par Gandhi, le dirigeant politique symbole de la non-violence dans le monde. Ce discours est prononcé le 7 août 1942, à Bombay, quelques jours avant que Gandhi ne soit arrêté. Il y prône bien entendu la non-violence, face à un monde secouée de révoltes sanglantes.

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Publié le 08 juin 2011
Nombre de lectures 3 214
Langue English

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Discours de non-violence
There are people who have hatred in their hearts for
the British. I have heard of people saying that they
are disgusted with them. The common people's mind
does not differentiate between a Britisher and the
imperialist form of their government. To them both
are the same. There are people who do not mind the
advent of the Japanese. To them, perhaps, it would
mean a change of masters.
But it is a dangerous thing. You must remove it from
your minds. This is a crucial hour. If we keep quiet
and do not play our part, it will not be right.
If it is only Britain and the United States who fight this
war, and if our part is only to give momentary help,
whether given willingly or taken from us unwillingly,
it is not a very happy proposition. But we can show
our real grit and valor only when it becomes our own
fight. Then every child will be brave. We shall get our
freedom by fighting. It cannot fall from the skies.
I know full well that the British will have to give us
our freedom when we have made sufficient sacrifices
and proven our strength. We must remove the hatred
for the British from our hearts. At least, in my heart
there is no such hatred. As a matter of fact, I am a
greater friend of the British now than I ever was.
Discours de non-violence
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
7 Août 1942, Bombay
The reason for this is that at this moment they are in
distress. My friendship demands that I must make
them aware of their mistakes. As I am not in the
position in which they find themselves, I am able to
point their mistakes out to them.
I know they are on the brink of the ditch, and are
about to fall into it. Therefore, even if they want to
cut off my hands, my friendship demands that I
should try to pull them out of that ditch. This is my
claim, at which many people may laugh, but all the
same, I say this is true.
At the time when I am about to launch the biggest
front in my life, there can be no hatred for the British
in my heart. The thought that, because they are in
difficulties, I should give them a push is totally absent
from my mind. It has never been there. It may be
that, in a moment of anger, they might do things that
might provoke you. Nevertheless, you should not
resort to violence; that would put non-violence to
shame.
When such things happen, you may take it that you
will not find me alive, wherever I may be. Their blood
will be on your head. If you do not understand this, it
will be better if you reject this resolution. It will
redound to your credit.
How can I blame you for the things you may not be
able to grasp? There is one principle in a fight, which
you must adopt. Never believe, as I have never
believed, that the British are going to fail. I do not
consider them to be a nation of cowards. I know that
before they accept defeat every soul in Britain will be
sacrificed.
They may be defeated and they may leave you just as
they left the people of Burma, Malaya and other
places, with the idea of recapturing lost ground when
they can. That may be their military strategy. But
supposing they leave us, what happens to us? In that
case Japan will come here.
The coming in of Japan will mean the end of China
and perhaps Russia, too. In these matters, Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru is my guru [teacher]. I do not want
to be the instrument of Russia's defeat, nor China's. If
that happened I would hate myself.
You know that I like to go at a rapid speed. But it may
be that I am not going as rapidly as you would want
me to. Sardar Patel [presumably Sardar Vallabhbhai
Patel,
president
of
the
All-India
Congress
parliamentary committee] is reported to have said
that the campaign may be over in a week. I do not
want to be in a hurry. If it ended in a week it would
be a miracle, and if this happened it would mean the
melting of the British heart.
It may be that wisdom will dawn on the British and
they will understand that it would be wrong for them
to put in jail the very people who want to fight for
them. It may be that a change may come in Jinnah's
mind, too. [Mohammed Ali Jinnah is president of the
All-India Moslem League.]
Non-violence is a matchless weapon, which can help
every one. I know we have not done much by way of
non-violence and therefore, if such changes come
about, I will take it that it is the result of our labors
during the last twenty-two years and that God has
helped us to achieve it.
When I raised the slogan "Quit India" the people in
India, who were then feeling despondent, felt that I
had placed before them a new thing. If you want real
freedom, you will have to come together, and such a
coming together will create true democracy-the like
of which has not so far been witnessed or attempted.
I have read a good deal about the French Revolution.
Carlyle's work I read while in jail. I have great
admiration for the French people, and Jawaharlal has
told me all about the Russian Revolution.
But I hold that though theirs was a fight for the
people it was not a fight for real democracy, which I
envisage. My democracy means that every one is his
own master. I have read sufficient history, and I have
not seen such an experiment on such a large scale for
the establishment of democracy by non-violence.
Once you understand these things you will forget the
differences between the Hindus and Moslems.
The resolution that is placed before you says:
"We do not want to remain frogs in a well. We are
aiming at world federation. It can only come through
non-violence. Disarmament is possible only if you use
the matchless weapon of non-violence."
There are people who may call me a visionary, but I
am a real bania [shrewd business man] and my
business is to obtain swaraj [home rule].
If you do not accept this resolution I will not be sorry.
On the contrary, I would dance with joy, because you
would then relieve me of tremendous responsibility,
which you are now going to place on me.
I want you to adopt non-violence as a matter of
policy. With me it is a creed, but so far as you are
concerned I want you to accept it as policy. As
disciplined soldiers you must accept it in toto, and
stick to it when you join the struggle.
People ask me whether I am the same man I was in
1920. The only difference is that I am much stronger
in certain things now than in 1920.