Muslim Democratic Parties in the Middle East
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162 pages
English

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Description

A.Kadir Yildirim and other scholars have used the term "Muslim Democrat" to describe moderate Islamist political parties, suggesting a parallel with Christian Democratic parties in Europe. These parties (MDPs) are marked by their adherence to a secular political regime, normative commitment to the rules of a democratic political system, and the democratic political representation of a religious identity. In this book, Yildirim draws on extensive field research in Turkey, Egypt, and Morocco to examine this phenomenon and assess the interaction of economic and political factors in the development of MDPs. Distinguishing between "competitive [economic] liberalization" and "crony liberalization," he argues that MDPs are more likely to emerge and succeed in the context of the former. He summarizes that the broader implication is that the economic liberalization models adopted by governments in the region in the wake of the Arab Spring have significant implications for the future direction of party systems and democratic reform.


Acknowledgments
Abbreviations
Introduction: Muslim Democratic Parties
1. A Social Theory of Muslim Democratic Parties
2. Modeling Economic Liberalization in a Comparative Perspective
3. From the Periphery to the Center: Competitive Liberalization in Turkey
4. Stuck in the Periphery: Crony Liberalization in Egypt
5. Pathways from the Periphery: Competitive Liberalization in Morocco
Conclusion
Appendix: List of Interviews
Notes
Bibliography
Index

Sujets

Informations

Publié par
Date de parution 26 septembre 2016
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9780253023292
Langue English

Informations légales : prix de location à la page 0,0500€. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

Extrait

MUSLIM DEMOCRATIC PARTIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST
INDIANA SERIES IN MIDDLE EAST STUDIES
Mark Tessler, general editor
MUSLIM DEMOCRATIC PARTIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST
Economy and Politics of Islamist Moderation
A. Kadir Yildirim
Indiana University Press
Bloomington and Indianapolis
This book is a publication of
Indiana University Press
Office of Scholarly Publishing
Herman B Wells Library 350
1320 East 10th Street
Bloomington, Indiana 47405 USA
iupress.indiana.edu
2016 by A. Kadir Yildirim
All rights reserved
No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. The Association of American University Presses Resolution on Permissions constitutes the only exception to this prohibition.
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences-Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992.
Manufactured in the United States of America
Cataloging information is available from the Library of Congress.
ISBN 978-0-253-02281-3 (cloth)
ISBN 978-0-253-02309-4 (paperback)
ISBN 978-0-253-02329-2 (ebook)
1 2 3 4 5 21 20 19 18 17 16
Contents
Acknowledgments
Abbreviations
Introduction: Muslim Democratic Parties
1 A Social Theory of Muslim Democratic Parties
2 Modeling Economic Liberalization in a Comparative Perspective
3 From the Periphery to the Center: Competitive Liberalization in Turkey
4 Stuck in the Periphery: Crony Liberalization in Egypt
5 Pathways from the Periphery: Competitive Liberalization in Morocco
Conclusion
Appendix: List of Interviews
Notes
Bibliography
Index
Acknowledgments
T HIS BOOK IS the product of many years of study and research, including my study at the Ohio State University. It could not have been possible without the support and guidance of many individuals. During the six years I spent at Ohio State, Sarah Brooks, Marcus Kurtz, Irfan Nooruddin, and Amaney Jamal were all excellent mentors. Sarah, my advisor throughout my time at Ohio State, thoroughly engaged with my project during the many days she spent reviewing my work at different stages of the project. Her constructive criticism and guidance have been vital. Sarah continually probed the causal mechanisms and the methodology, and hence was most helpful with her feedback. Most importantly, however, Sarah showed an unwavering support for me and the project throughout the entire process, thereby setting a great example on how to be an advisor. Marcus always challenged me with questions to probe further into my thinking in order to make deeper connections between various parts of the project. He also underscored the importance of a comparative perspective in analyzing the politics of economic liberalization. Marcus s push for a comparative approach led my work to be a contribution to the broader political science literature instead of being only an area study. Irfan emphasized the big picture and has consistently pointed out the potential implications of distinct elements of the theory. By questioning my assumptions, he pushed me to be more clear, concise, and explicit about my theory. Last but not least, Amaney Jamal of Princeton University was a great resource for improving the substantive elements of the project as well as ensuring that the framework was commensurate with the scope of the research. If this project is a contribution to social scientific research, it is due to the privilege I enjoyed in working with my advisors. All of them are inspirational examples of truly great scholars. Sarah, Amaney, Marcus, and Irfan deserve all credit and praise for overseeing the materialization of this book.
I am also indebted to many friends and colleagues who have contributed to the development of this project at different stages by reading, offering feedback, and/or engaging in stimulating intellectual conversations. I am grateful to Azzedine Azzimani, Quintin Beazer, Eva Bellin, Nathan Brown, Soundarya Chidambaram, Dino Christenson, Vefa Erginbas, Andrea Haupt, Douglas Jones, Ramazan Kilinc, Ahmet Kuru, Marie Lawrence, Jennifer Nowlin, Jennifer Regan, Yusuf Sarfati, Emily Secen, and Sarah W. Sokhey.
Many individuals in Egypt, Morocco, and Turkey were helpful in my field research. In Egypt, I received help from Durmus Dogan, Osama Farid, Ebtisam Hussein, Cumali Onal, and Amal Wahab in establishing contacts; I also enjoyed our conversations on Egyptian political and social life. In Morocco, several individuals facilitated my fieldwork and put me in contact with officials and business owners. For this, I thank Azzedine Azzimani, Driss Bouanou, and Orhan Coskun for their help. The fieldwork in Turkey was efficient and effective due to MUSIAD officials in various cities who were kind enough to schedule appointments with their members. I also thank the following individuals who made it possible for me to conduct interviews with politicians and business owners: Kemal Baskaya, Ekrem Gurel, and Serif Soydan.
The financial support I received from various institutions made the fieldwork and writing of this book feasible. I thank the Department of Political Science at the Ohio State University for its support during my study there. The department also offered research grants for fieldwork. The Graduate School, the Mershon Center, and the Office of International Affairs at Ohio State supported the project with various grants for fieldwork. I also acknowledge the Foreign Language Enhancement Program ( FLEP ) Fellowship for providing me with a chance to improve my Arabic. I thank the Baker Institute for Public Policy at Rice University and its director Ambassador Edward Djerejian for their support in completing this book.
I also want to acknowledge Indiana University Press s editorial team for their help throughout the review and publication phases of this book, making it a very smooth and easy process. Mark Tessler, Rebecca Tolen, Dee Mortensen, Sarah Jacobi, Mollie Ables, and John Rogers have been tremendously helpful and knowledgeable. The feedback from two anonymous reviewers was quite instrumental in revising the manuscript; I am most grateful for their critical readings of the argument and the evidence.
Last but not least, I am grateful to members of my family. My wife, Hatice, showed wholehearted support through the completion of this project, at times of ebb and flow. Without her support, I could not be successful. Our children, Emine Beyza, Mirza Enes, and Tarik Emre, put up with a father who had seemingly endless studying to do. Many other individuals in everyday life, including brief acquaintances, have showed their support for this project, and I thank them all for their support. Any mistakes are due to me.
Abbreviations
EC
European Community
EU
European Union
FDI
foreign direct investment
FTA
free trade agreement
ISI
Import Substitution Industrialization
MDP
Muslim democratic party
SME
small and medium enterprise
SOE
state-owned enterprise
Egypt
EBA
Egyptian Businessmen s Association
ERSAP
Economic Reform and Structural Adjustment Program
LE
Egyptian pound
MB
Muslim Brotherhood
NDP
National Democratic Party
WP
Wasat Party
Morocco
AMITH
Textile and Apparel Manufacturers Association
AWI
Al-Adl wal-Ihsan
CGEM
Moroccan Confederation of Businesses
CMPE
Moroccan Export Promotion Center
MPDC
Mouvement Populaire D mocratique et Constitutionnel
MUR
Movement of Unity and Reform
ONA
Omnium Nord Africain
PJD
Party for Justice and Development
Turkey
AKP
Justice and Development Party
CHP
Republican People s Party
DP
Democrat Party
DTP
Demokratik Toplum Partisi
FP
Felicity Party
MNP
National Order Party
MSP
National Salvation Party
MUSIAD
Independent Industrialists and Businessmen s Association
NOM
National Outlook Movement
TOBB
Union of Chambers and Commodity Exchanges of Turkey
TUSIAD
Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen s Association
VP
Virtue Party
WP
Welfare Party
MUSLIM DEMOCRATIC PARTIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST
Introduction
Muslim Democratic Parties
I N THE WAKE of the Arab Spring, few questions seem as pertinent as the role of Islamist parties in the Middle East, in light of looming possibilities for democracy. Sharing in a desire to Islamize state and society, Islamist parties were once marked by a monolithic antidemocratic stance and a collective desire to oppose existing regimes. As of late, however, they are facing a formidable challenge from a different quarter, with the emergence of a qualitatively different and more moderate Islamic political party. These parties, generally known as Muslim democratic parties ( MDP s), have materialized in several countries across the region. Turkey s Justice and Development Party ( AKP ), Morocco s Party for Justice and Development ( PJD ) and Egypt s Wasat Party ( WP ) all serve as clear examples of this phenomenon.
Analogous in many ways to Christian democratic parties in Europe (Kalyvas 1996; Altinordu 2010), MDP s adhere to a secular political regime, have a normative commitment to the rules of a democratic political system, and desire the democratic political represent

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