Russia’s military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine
122 pages
English

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122 pages
English

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Description

In Russia’s Military Interventions, Elnur Ismayilov analyzes Russia’s recent military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine by assessing the driving factors – the interests fueling Russian involvement and the decisions that fostered the resulting wars. Ismayilov covers the creation and transformation behind Russia’s post-Soviet perspectives on Ukraine and Georgia and explores the panorama of post-Soviet Russia’s foreign policy from the 1990s up to the turbulent present, in which Ukraine and Georgia’s pro-Western orientations have remained a core concern of the Kremlin. Thoughtfully, Russia is fighting against being rated as a declining regional power and confronts a palpable clash of Russian nationalism and Western liberal democracy.

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Publié par
Date de parution 25 janvier 2021
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9781680538052
Langue English
Poids de l'ouvrage 2 Mo

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Russia s Military Interventions in Georgia and Ukraine: Interests, Motives, and Decision-Making
Elnur Ismayilov
Russia s Military Interventions in Georgia and Ukraine: Interests, Motives, and Decision-Making
Elnur Ismayilov
Academica Press Washington London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Ismayilov, Elnur (author)
Title: Russia s military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine : interests, motives, and decision-making | Elnur Ismayilov
Description: Washington : Academica Press, 2021. | Includes references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2020952972 | ISBN 9781680539103 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781680538052 (e-book)
Copyright 2021 Elnur Ismayilov
Contents
List of Maps
List of Abbreviations
Acknowledgements
Chapter I Introduction
1.1 Background
1.2 Statement of the research problem
1.3 Aims of study
1.4 Research questions
1.5 Literature review and academic contribution
1.6 Structure of the Book
Chapter II Research Design, Theoretical Overview and Methodological Assumptions
2.1 Theoretical Overview
2.2 Research Design and Methodological Assumptions
2.2.1 Research Design
2.2.2 Research Approach
2.2.3 Study Area
2.2.4 Sampling Technique
2.3 Data Collection Techniques
2.3.1 Primary Sources
2.3.2 Secondary Sources
2.3.3 Ethical Considerations
2.3.3.1 Informed Consent
2.3.3.2 Anonymity and Confidentiality
2.3.3.3 Privacy and Beneficence
A Brief Summary of the Chapter
Chapter III Russia s Foreign Policy Strategies
3.1 Russia s Foreign Policy and International Relations
3.1.1 Russian Foreign Policy Strategies during the Yeltsin Years (1991-1999)
3.1.2 The Yeltsin Doctrine
3.1.3 Russian Foreign Policy in the New Millennium
3.1.4 Russian Foreign Policy after September 11, 2001
3.1.5 Russia s Foreign Policy during Putin s Years (2000-2008)
3.1.6 The Putin Doctrine and Putin s Munich Speech
3.1.7 Russian Foreign Policy during the Medvedev Years (2008-2012)
3.1.8 Putin s Third Triumph and The New Putin Doctrine
3.2 Russia s Foreign Policy and Military Doctrines
3.2.1 The Foreign Policy Doctrines
3.2.2 The Military Doctrines
3.2.3 Legitimized Arguments in the Russia s Foreign Policy and Military Doctrines
3.3 Russia s Perception of Threats
3.3.1 NATO s Enlargement
3.3.2 Color Revolutions
Chapter IV Analysis of Russia s Military Intervention in Georgia
4.1 Russia s Military Intervention in Georgia
4.1.1 The Origins of the Russia-Georgia Crisis
4.1.2 Russia s Military Presence in Georgian Territories
4.2 Russia s National Interests in Georgia
4.3 Legal Justification for Military Intervention
4.4 How Russia Justifies Its Recognition of Separatist Movements
4.5 Factors Driving Russia s Military Involvement in Georgia
4.6 Russia s Decision-Making Behind Its Intervention in Georgia
4.7 The Implications of Russia s Military Intervention in Georgia
A Brief Summary of the Chapter
Chapter V Analysis of Russia s Military Intervention in Ukraine
5.1 Explanation of Russia s Military Intervention in Ukraine
5.1.1. Ukraine s Strategic Importance for Russia
5.1.2 The Status of Crimea
5.1.3 The Origins of the Russia-Ukraine Crisis
5.1.4 Yanukovych s Presidency and Russia-Ukraine Relations
5.2 Russia s National Interests in Crimean Annexation
5.3 Factors Driving Russia s Military Involvement in Ukraine
5.4 Russia s Decision-Making and the Ukraine Intervention
A Brief Summary of the Chapter
Chapter VI Conclusion
6.1 Overview of the Findings
6.2 Comparison of the Two Interventions
6.3 Responses to Research Questions
Bibliography
List of Primary Sources
List of Books
List of Articles
Index
List of Maps
Map 1: Post-Soviet Separatist Territories Under Russia s Control
Map 2: Russian Military Bases in the post-Soviet Countries
List of Abbreviations
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
CIS Commonwealth of Independent States
CPRF Communist Party of the Russian Federation
CST Collective Security Treaty
CSTO Collective Security Treaty Organization
EP European Parliament
EU European Union
EurAsEc Eurasian Economic Community
FPC Foreign Policy Concept
FPD Foreign Policy Doctrine
FSU Former Soviet Union
GA General Assembly
GUAM Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova
IR International Relations
JCC Joint Control Commission
MFA Ministry of Foreign Affairs
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NMD National Military Doctrine
NSC National Security Concept
OSCE Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
PfP Partnership for Peace
RF Russian Federation
RFP Russian Foreign Policy
R2P Responsibility to Protect
SC South Caucasus
SU Soviet Union
UN United Nations
Acknowledgements
There are many people who contributed to the completion of this book with the support and encouragement. Among them, first of all, I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to my academic supervisor Prof. Dr. Sven Gareis for his guidance, insight and generous support and for his patient throughout the dissertation upon which this book is based. Without his guidance and support it would not be possible to finish it. Prof. Dr. Gareis helped me develop theoretical and analytical framework for this research. I would like also to thank my second supervisor Prof. Dr. Thomas Dietz for his priceless support in finalization of this work.
I am also extremely indebted to the Graduate School of Politics (GraSP) for providing necessary infrastructure and resources to accomplish my research. I was lucky to be a part of the GraSP, in which I have been surrounded by wonderful colleagues. I express my sincere appreciation to the all GraSP colleagues who supported me morally during these years. I would like to acknowledge especially Administrative Director of the GraSP Dr. Matthias Freise.
I take this opportunity to sincerely acknowledge the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) for providing financial support in the form of Research Fellowship, which promoted me to perform my work comfortably during the past research years.
My accomplishments could not have been achieved without the assistance of my interviewees. Among my interviewees I should specifically mention names of former Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze, former Foreign Policy State Advisor for Azerbaijan President between 1990-1999 years Vafa Guluzade; former US Ambassador to Azerbaijan Richard Kauzlarich; former Foreign Policy State Advisor for Azerbaijan President Rasim Musabayov, and Thomas de Waal who is one of the famous specialists in the region. I also met diplomats and politicians from Russia, Ukraine, and Georgia who shared their experiences. Last but not least, my parents, my wife, and my children provided me with the necessary time, space, and love. This long road could not have been contemplated without their love and encouragement.
Chapter I
Introduction
The new Russia is not the Soviet Union nor is she the old Russian Empire. Russia s new borders, possibilities, culture, civilization, and inner development have all contributed to making Russia a new state, one that has not previously existed on the global political or geographic map .
(Sergey V. Kortunov, Chief of Staff, Council of Russian Defense)
1.1 Background
The international system under which we live is between two eras: the post-Cold War era and the new Cold War era. The world is in a transitional stage, from international cooperation and hope for a new era of peace to the menace of new global military confrontations. The end of the Cold War, which was the turning point in international politics that led to the creation of the new world order, was characterized mainly as a blossoming of relations between global powers. The new world order was described as an order in which no nation must surrender one iota of its own sovereignty; an order characterized by the rule of law rather than the resort to force; the cooperative settlement of disputes, rather than anarchy and bloodshed, and an unstinting belief in human rights. 1 Optimistic expectations for the new world order changed with the political, military, economic, and ideological developments in the last decade of the 20 th century and in the beginning of the 21 st century, especially with the expansion of the militarist, interventionist policies of global and regional powers. Hope for the settlement of conflicts that remained from the Cold War years through dialogue and other non-military tools in the new international system was replaced with the rise of armed conflicts, regional wars, and crises.
In the last two decades, the disintegration of several states and armed violence within them has burdened the security of the whole world. As a result of these developments, not only were new, previously unrecognized states internationally recognized, but the amount of unresolved frozen conflicts increased. The present period is reminiscent of the Cold War period; but there are important differences between these two periods. The Cold War competition was not just a competition between the Great Powers over territory and influence; it focused mainly on ideological competition between communism and liberal democracy. If the Cold War was an anti-system competition against a new system; then the new Cold War is closer to the nation states and imperial rivalries of previou

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