Final Solutions
241 pages
English

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241 pages
English

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Description

What causes genocide? Through an examination of four modern genocides - the Native Americans, the Armenians, the Jews and the Rwandan Tutsis - Sabby Sagal formulates a theoretical framework for understanding some of the darkest hours of humanity.



Drawing on the scholarship of a range of Marxist psychoanalysts, from the Frankfurt School to Wilhelm Reich, shows how genocides are enacted by social classes or communities that have experienced isolation and denial of human needs, prostration and humiliation at the hands of major historical defeats, or powerlessness. These denials or degradations produce severe reactions: hatred, destructiveness and an impotent rage, which is often projected onto a perceived 'other'. Through close analysis and theorising of the commonalities and differences between recent genocides, Sagal hopes to produce greater understanding of the socio-psychological rationale behind atrocities, in order to prevent recurrences.

Introduction

1. Why Do People Kill People?

2. Killers On The Couch

3. What Makes Killers Tick?

4. Killing ‘Things’

5. Native American Genocide

6. The Armenian Genocide

7. The Nazi Holocaust

8. The Rwandan Genocide

Summary And Conclusion

Bibliography

Index

Sujets

Informations

Publié par
Date de parution 09 octobre 2013
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9781849648929
Langue English

Informations légales : prix de location à la page 0,1650€. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

Extrait

Final Solutions
Final Solutions
Human Nature, Capitalism and Genocide
Sabby Sagall
First published 2013 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA
www.plutobooks.com
Distributed in the United States of America exclusively by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of St. Martin's Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010
Copyright © Sabby Sagall 2013
The right of Sabby Sagall to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN 978 0 7453 2654 2 Hardback ISBN 978 0 7453 2653 5 Paperback ISBN 978 1 8496 4891 2 PDF eBook ISBN 978 1 8496 4893 6 Kindle eBook ISBN 978 1 8496 4892 9 EPUB eBook
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data applied for
This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental standards of the country of origin.
10   9   8   7   6   5   4   3   2   1
Typeset from disk by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton, England Simultaneously printed digitally by CPI Antony Rowe, Chippenham, UK and Edwards Bros in the United States of America
For Hilary
Contents Acknowledgements
  Introduction: Capitalism and Genocide
  PART ONE: THE ORIGINS OF HUMAN DESTRUCTIVENESS 1 Why Do People Kill People? 2 Killers On the Couch 3 What Makes Killers Tick? 4 Killing ‘Things’
  PART TWO: FOUR MODERN GENOCIDES 5 Native American Genocide 6 The Armenian Genocide 7 The Nazi Holocaust 8 The Rwandan Genocide
  Summary and Conclusion
  Notes Bibliography Index
Acknowledgements
A number of colleagues, comrades and friends have read different parts of the manuscript and made valuable comments or else directed me to important sources and texts. I would like to thank Professor Alex Callinicos, Dr. Alison Sealey, Andrew Enever, Professor Bob Carter, Dave Renton, Hilary Westlake, Professor Iain Ferguson, Dr. Jacqueline Fear-Segal, Professor Joel Kovel, Professor John Docker, John Rees, John Rose, Ken Muller, Professor Kevin Kenny, Dr. Kurt Jacobsen, Lindsey German, Dr. Marci Green, Professor Mike Gonzalez, Assistant Professor Murat Paker, Dr. Rainer Funk, Professor Roy Foster, Professor Stephen Frosh and Dr. Tirril Harris. My partner Hilary Westlake and my friend Kurt Jacobsen read the entire manuscript: their ideas and suggestions, at times critical but always constructive, gave me great encouragement, and helped to sustain me during a long and difficult writing process. Naturally, any errors of fact or judgment remain my responsibility. Many thanks also to Kurt Jacobsen for compiling the index. Hilary developed a good impersonation of a badger in her constant exhortation to complete the work as quickly as possible. My friend John Rose's pressure was also helpful and important. My friends Dr. George Paizis, Gerry Norris and Mel Norris also expressed interest and provided encouragement.
I would also like to thank the staff at Pluto Press for their patience and encouragement. Roger Van Zwanenberg, my original editor at Pluto, supported my project from the earliest stage and has been particularly helpful throughout the years it has taken me to complete it. My editor, David Shulman, has also been most supportive during that time. Robert Webb, production editor, has ably helped me cope with editing difficulties and delays. I am also grateful to my friend Dr. Ghada Karmi for the original introduction to Roger Van Zwanenberg. Thanks also to Melanie Patrick for the cover design. Tim Clark, copy-editor, and Dave Stanford, typesetter, are to be commended for their skill and efficiency.
Introduction: Capitalism and Genocide
Certain historical events seem to defy all attempts at rational explanation. How is it possible that one group of human beings should have consciously planned, or at least visibly intended, to exterminate another group? Despite innumerable books having been written on the subject, there is no general consensus. The experts continue to engage in fierce debate, or else to ignore each other's contributions if they fall in an alternative discipline.
Apart from humankind, no animal species destroys large numbers of their own kind without any rational socio-economic or biological benefit. Yet in the American continent, between 1492 and 1890, possibly 80 million Native Americans died at the hands of the European colonists or from diseases brought from Europe – perhaps 95 per cent of the pre-Columbian population – arguably the greatest genocide in world history. In Turkey, between 1915 and 1922, up to one and a half million Armenians were slaughtered on the orders of the Young Turk regime. During the Second World War, six million Jews, but also tens of thousands of Gypsies, homosexuals and the mentally ill were massacred in Nazi-occupied eastern Europe in a programme of industrial genocide. And during the Rwandan crisis in 1994, some 800,000 Tutsis were slaughtered by Hutus. In the twentieth century alone, over 70 million people have been killed through ethnic conflict, a figure ‘dwarfing that of previous centuries’. 1
The term ‘genocide’ was coined by the jurist Raphael Lemkin in his book Axis Rule in Occupied Europe , published in the US in 1944. He defined it as ‘the destruction of a nation or of an ethnic group’. The new word, denoting ‘an old practice in its modern development’, is made up from the ancient Greek word genos (race, tribe) and the Latin cide (killing). Lemkin went on, however, to argue that ‘it does not necessarily mean the immediate destruction of a nation, except when accompanied by mass killings of all members of a nation’. The term signified ‘a coordinated plan of different actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves’. 2 As Leo Kuper points out, the term was initially used in the indictment of the Nazi war criminals at the Nuremberg Trials in 1946, the first formal recognition of the crime of genocide. 3
In 1946, two years after the publication of Lemkin's book, and thanks to his unflagging lobbying efforts, the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution which stated that ‘many instances of such crimes ... have occurred, when racial, religious, political and other groups have been destroyed, entirely or in part ... The punishment of the crime of genocide is a matter of international concern.’ 4 Finally, the Genocide Convention of the UN was adopted unanimously and without abstentions in 1948.
However, Martin Shaw argues in his very useful book What Is Genocide? that the Geneva Convention's definition of genocide unduly narrowed Lemkin's original broad meaning by restricting it to the physical extermination of a group. Killing is, of course, the ultimate means of genocide, the one which ‘trumps all others’, but it is not its primary meaning. For Lemkin, as indicated above, this lay in the annihilation of a group's way of life, its social networks, its economic, cultural and political institutions. 5 There is a vast and growing literature on genocide, ethnic violence and ethno-nationalism. The lion's share of this endeavour has been given over to analyses of the Nazi Holocaust. In recent years, however, there has been increasing interest in the other modern genocides. A number of universities have set up special departments or programmes devoted to the study of genocide, Yale in the US and Southampton in the UK being two examples.
There are three points here. First, at an obvious level, this is undoubtedly to be welcomed. The deeper our understanding of human violence, the greater our chances of preventing it. A cliché, no doubt, but one to cherish.
Second, the burgeoning interest in genocides other than the extermination of the Jews – for example, that of the Armenians – represents an implicit challenge to the notion of the uniqueness of the Nazi Holocaust. This has been the focus of an important debate in recent years.
A third important, if obvious, point: we need to adopt a theoretical approach that is capable of accounting for the phenomenon of genocide. Without theory or a set of theories, there can be no understanding of human history and society. For example, without theory, we cannot explain the origins of Nazism or why the Holocaust occurred between 1941 and 1945 and not in 1923. Similarly with the Turkish genocide of the Armenians in 1915. The question is, which theory or set of theories is most adequate to the task of explanation?
Most of the work produced in the last three decades adopts an external, objective approach, analysing the historical, social or economic factors involved in the Nazi and other holocausts – the effects of war, colonisation, economic crisis, the class background of the perpetrators or the relationship between the state and civil society. There is neglect of the subjective factors involved.
In addition, most of the work published since the 1970s has been couched within a liberal perspective, one that emphasises the role of leaders, the structure of the state, or cultural factors – for example, Prussian militarism. The debate in the late 1980s and 1990s between German historians adopting either an intentionalist or a functionalist position is an example of such a liberal approach. Briefly, the debate was between those arguing that the Nazis had intended from the very beginning to exterminate the Jews, but had to wait for the right opportunity, and as against those who claimed that deteriorating circumstances radicalised the Nazis, driving them to perpetrate the Holocaust.
Furthermore, most work on modern genocide has been undertaken from within the confines of a single discipline, reflecting the fragmentation and specialisation of the existing social sciences. Thus, most books and articl

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