Spain Unmoored

Mikaela H. Rogozen-Soltar

Description

Long viewed as Spain's "most Moorish city," Granada is now home to a growing Muslim population of Moroccan migrants and European converts to Islam. Mikaela H. Rogozen-Soltar examines how various residents of Granada mobilize historical narratives about the city's Muslim past in order to navigate tensions surrounding contemporary ethnic and religious pluralism. Focusing particular attention on the gendered, racial, and political dimensions of this new multiculturalism, Rogozen-Soltar explores how Muslim-themed tourism and Islamic cultural institutions coexist with anti-Muslim sentiments.

Preface: Between Convivencia and Malafollá: Coexistence or Exclusion?
Acknowledgments
Introduction: Andalusian Encounters and the Politics of Islam
1. Historical Anxiety and Everyday Historiography
2. Paradoxes of Muslim Belonging and Difference
3. Muslim Disneyland and Moroccan Danger Zones: Islam, Race, and Space
4. A Reluctant Convivencia: Minority Representation and Unequal Multiculturalism
5. Embodied Encounters: Gender, Islam, and Public Space
Conclusion: Granada Moored and Unmoored
Bibliography
Index

Sujets

• Ethnic Studies
• Middle Est
• HISTORY
• Histoire
• Spanish Civil War
• History of the Middle East
• General officer
• Spain
• Middle East
• History of Europe
• Anthropology
• Spain (groupe)
• General
• Islam
• Migration
• Europe

Informations

• Publié par: Indiana University Press
• Date de parution: 27 février 2017
• Nombre de lectures: 0
• EAN13: 9780253025067
• Langue: English

Extrait

SPAIN UNMOORED
NEW ANTHROPOLOGIES OF EUROPE
Michael Herzfeld, Melissa L. Caldwell, and Deborah Reed-Danahay, editors
PUBLIC CULTURES OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
Paul A. Silverstein, Susan Slyomovics, and Ted Swedenburg, editors
S PAIN U NMOORED
Migration, Conversion , and the Politics of Islam

MIKAELA H. ROGOZEN-SOLTAR
This book is a publication of
Indiana University Press Office of Scholarly Publishing Herman B Wells Library 350 1320 East 10th Street Bloomington, Indiana 47405 USA
iupress.indiana.edu
2017 by Mikaela H. Rogozen-Soltar
All rights reserved
No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. The Association of American University Presses Resolution on Permissions constitutes the only exception to this prohibition.
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences-Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992.
Manufactured in the United States of America
Cataloging information is available from the Library of Congress.
ISBN 978-0-253-02474-9 (cloth) ISBN 978-0-253-02489-3 (paperback) ISBN 978-0-253-02506-7 (ebook)
1 2 3 4 5 22 21 20 19 18 17
For Arthur, Isabel, Manny, and Frances; the last of whom earned a PhD in her sixties, decades after being told that women did not do such things, and whose memory inspired me as I trudged through the snow in Ann Arbor and the sunshine in Spain .
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments
Preface: Between Convivencia and Malafoll : Coexistence or Exclusion?
Introduction: Andalusian Encounters and the Politics of Islam
1. Historical Anxiety and Everyday Historiography
2. Paradoxes of Muslim Belonging and Difference
3. Muslim Disneyland and Moroccan Danger Zones: Islam, Race, and Space
4. A Reluctant Convivencia : Minority Representation and Unequal Multiculturalism
5. Embodied Encounters: Gender, Islam, and Public Space
Conclusion: Granada Moored and Unmoored
Bibliography
Index
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
WRITING a book takes a long time. I began thinking about Islam and migration in Spain as an undergraduate and finished this project as a faculty member. Many generous people helped me along the way.
Thanks cannot express my debt to the people who opened their homes and lives to me in Granada. I was humbled to share in the joyous and painful, benevolent and disagreeable, strong and vulnerable sides of their lives. While they are named pseudonymously here, I hope they will see their experiences and beliefs represented. They made this book.
At Indiana University Press, I am grateful to Rebecca Tolen for bringing this project on board, and to Gary Dunham and Janice Frisch for guidance through the later stages of publication. Thanks to Michael Herzfeld, Melissa L. Caldwell, and Deborah Reed-Danahay, and to Paul Silverstein, Susan Slyomovics, and Ted Swedenburg for including my book in the New Anthropologies of Europe series and the Public Cultures of the Middle East and North Africa series, respectively.
Research is expensive and cumbersome, and I thank the institutions that made this project financially and logistically possible: the National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship Program; the U.S. Department of Education FLAS Fellowship program; the Department of Anthropology, the Rackham Graduate School, and the Center for Middle Eastern and North African Studies at the University of Michigan; the Council on Middle East Studies and the Department of Anthropology at Yale University; the Fox Center for Humanistic Inquiry at Emory University; the Universidad Aut noma de Madrid ; and the Universidad de Granada . In Spain, I am especially grateful to Margit Sperling and Liliana Su rez for their good humor and hospitality.
A long time ago, Arjun Guneratne inspired me to become an anthropology major, and Dianna Shandy suggested one day that I ditch my law school plans for something that had never crossed my mind: a PhD. Thank you! At the University of Michigan, I was buoyed by the unwavering support of committee members who believed in my project, and whose astute suggestions made it infinitely better. Deepest thanks to Andrew Shryock, Marcia Inhorn, Miriam Ticktin, Alaina Lemon, and Hussein Fancy for your wisdom, guidance, and enthusiasm in grad school and beyond.
Communities of friends and intellectual co-conspirators have made researching and writing this book more of a joy and less of a slog. Thanks to Kelly Fayard, Matt Kroot, Robin Nelson, Lauryn Parks, Drew Rodr guez, and Jessica Smith in Ann Arbor; to Andrew Braver, Rose Keimig, D arcy Saum, Bonnie Rose Schulman, and Amy Zhang in New Haven; and to Steve Black in Decatur. The Anthropology Department at the University of Nevada Reno has been a wonderful place to land, and I am grateful to my supportive colleagues there, especially Debbie Boehm, Sarah Cowie, Jenanne Ferguson, Geoff Smith, Erin Stiles, and Carolyn White, as well as colleagues at the Gender, Race, and Identity Program. Writing Meet-and-Scolds over coffee with Meredith Oda helped me get this book out the door, and with more coffee than scolding.
No writer can succeed without a cadre of willing readers. Naor Ben-Yehoyada, Lizzy Falconi, Katherine Fusco, Amy Pason, Jessica Robbins-Ruszkowski, and Jim Webber read select chapters and gave excellent feedback. Over the years, John Bowen, Susan Coutin, Katherine Ewing, Mayanthi Fernando, Engseng Ho, Esra zy rek, and Leti Volpp all provided helpful comments on conference papers and article drafts that turned into book sections. Thanks to Eric Calderwood at the University of Michigan and Maribel Fierro at the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cient ficas in Madrid for organizing rich symposia in which I was able to test-drive some ideas for this book. Cheers to Richard Nance for helping me choose a title.
Several brave and patient souls read the entire manuscript. Many thanks to Jonathan Shannon and Paul Silverstein for generous feedback that greatly improved the book. Without the awesome Kathryn Graber and Emily McKee, this book would not exist. Thanks for reading everything from the nascent scraps of ideas to the final chapters with a blend of kindness and fearsome intelligence. Our writing group meetings are always a reminder that I love anthropology, and that writing is even more rewarding when publications are shared victories. Without Emily Went-zell s (often comically musical) encouragement, I would have given up on this project numerous times; without her friendship, graduate school and postdoctoral work would have been far less fun; and without her editorial wisdom and singular ability to make me cut words, this book could easily have run ten thousand pages and made little to no sense.
Finally, Anna Armentrout and Eve Rutzick, thanks for making it seem cool to be smart since we were little kids. Johanna, thanks for always cheerleading me. Mom and Dad, thanks for teaching me to care about the world, for providing a cozy place to write in the woods, and for being unfailingly supportive. This book is for the migrants in my family: Ben and Henna, Barnett and Esther, Pop and Sarah, and Grandma B., who came to America, and whose lives and stories helped inspire my interest in migration and minority religions.
PREFACE
Between Convivencia and Malafoll : Coexistence or Exclusion?
LIKE many shy anthropologists, the first thing I did when I moved to Granada, Spain, in the summer of 2007 was sign up for refresher language classes despite already speaking Spanish. I found the weekly schedule of classes comforting as I slowly began to enter the world of full-time fieldwork, researching Islam and migration in the southern Spanish region called Andalusia. Luckily, while I did not initially envision it as research, Spanish class became a valuable field site. Nuria, the instructor of my conversation class, took it upon herself to teach her students not only local colloquialisms and norms of Andalusian language use, but also her take on the character of Granadinos , the inhabitants of the city. She told endless stories about her family, neighbors, and coworkers, emphasizing what she saw as typical or representative illustrations of Andalusian regional identity in general, and of Granadino culture in particular. She wanted us to learn to speak like Spain s southerners, and to understand them. It was through Nuria s discussions of Andalusianness that I first learned about the concept of the Granadino malafoll (rudeness, or a rude person who is inhospitable to others, especially to outsiders).
One day, Nuria told the following story. Arriving in class huffing and puffing with annoyance, she declared that she was over going to her neighborhood grocery store, and that we would not believe what had just happened there. While in line to pay, Nuria had overheard the woman behind her say to a companion, Today la mora is coming to clean my house. La mora (literally, the Moor) referred to the woman s Moroccan or Muslim housekeeper. It is the feminine version of moro , a term often used pejoratively to refer to Muslims, especially Moroccan migrants. Nuria, who prided herself on being stubborn and outspoken, had whirled around to tell the woman that she was offended by her manner of speaking about Muslim migrants. Rather than referring to her housekeeper with the racially charged term la mora , why not use her actual name or job title? Nuria told the woman that she ought to be more respectful. Now in class, she explained that while she could put up with-and even expect