The Clinton Wars
241 pages
English

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241 pages
English
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Description

Today the United States is fighting a "war" against terrorism, a military action whose definition will be a matter of controversy, particularly, if history is any guide, between Congress and the president. Throughout its history, the United States has grappled with the constitutional tension built into the conduct of its foreign affairs and the interpretation of the power to make war and use force abroad. Since the Cold War's end, the United States has had to navigate through a period of strategic ambiguity, where American national security interests are much less certain.

Ryan Hendrickson examines the behavior of the Clinton administration and Congress in dealing with the range of American military operations that occurred during the Clinton presidency. He uses a case-study approach, laying out the foreign background and domestic political controversies in separate chapters on Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Iraq. Of special interest after the World Trade Center attacks is the chapter "Terrorism: Usama Bin Laden."

The author analyzes a number of factors that influence the domestic decision-making process. We see the president relying on congressional consultation and approval during periods of political or personal weakness, and, conversely, in better times we see a president with a freer hand. Also influential is the ability of the public to comprehend and support the reasons for a particular action, with troops in Bosnia requiring more explanation than cruise missiles over Baghdad. Consideration is given to the relevance and effectiveness of the War Powers Resolution of 1973, a Watergate-era attempt by Congress to restore what it perceived to be its legitimate constitutional role in the decision to use force abroad.


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Publié par
Date de parution 30 juin 2002
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9780826591609
Langue English

Informations légales : prix de location à la page 0,1000€. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

Extrait

THEClinton ThWe Constiatutiorn,s Congress, and War Powers
Ryan C. Hendrickson
The Clinton Wars
T H E Clinton Wars
The Constitution, Congress, and War Powers
Ryan C. Hendrickson
Vanderbilt University Press Nashville
© 2002 Vanderbilt University Press All rights reserved First Edition 2002
This book is printed on acid-free paper. Manufactured in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Hendrickson, Ryan C., 1969-The Clinton wars : the constitution, Congress, and war powers / Ryan C. Hendrickson.— 1st ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8265-1413-8 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 0-8265-1414-6 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. War and emergency powers—United States— History. 2. Clinton, Bill, 1946- 3. United States—Military policy. I. Title. KF5060 .H46 2002 973.929—dc21 2002003863
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Contents
Acknowledgments vii Introduction ix War Powers in American History 1 Somalia 21 Haiti 43 Bosnia 68 Terrorism: Usama Bin Laden 99 Kosovo 117 Iraq 138 The Politics and Future of War Powers
Appendix: The War Powers Resolution Notes 183 Index 219
160 175
Acknowledgments
This book has been a journey that began in graduate school at the Uni-versity of Nebraska–Lincoln in 1993 and culminated with the end of the Clinton administration. While this book was being researched and written, many people provided comments or critiques or were simply supportive of my efforts. Many former colleagues and professors from my graduate school years deserve my thanks, including Lloyd Am-brosius, Joe Blankenau (now at Wayne State College), Phil Dyer, John Hibbing, Pete Maslowski, Jonathan Strand (now at the University of Nevada–Las Vegas), and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse. Among those at the University of Nebraska, most importantly, I thank Dave Forsythe, who critiqued much of the book, challenged me in ways that I will always appreciate, and provided helpful advice at all stages of the book. In my first teaching position at Lambuth University in Jackson, Ten-nessee, many former colleagues were also supportive of my research interests. I thank especially Ellis Arnold, Randy Austin (now at Newan University), Gene Davenport, Dalton Eddleman, Don Huneycutt, Lyda Kowalski, and Wilburn Lane. In my current position at Eastern Illinois University, Andy McNitt kindly commented on portions of the manuscript, and Rich Wandling was especially supportive of my writing endeavors. In addition, EIU’s Council on Faculty Research provided me a summer writing grant that helped me complete the book. Several chapters of this book were pre-sented at meetings of the International Studies Association and the In-ternational Studies Association–Midwest, and I also want to thank those who commented on my research at those meetings, especially Peter Schraeder of Loyola University. I also very much appreciate the advice provided by the anonymous reviewers of this manuscript, who prod-ded me to produce what I hope will be a more useful contribution to the study of American foreign policy. In acknowledging all those who
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The Clinton Wars
assisted me, I note that the final responsibility for the content and in-terpretations rests with me alone. Portions of this book have been published elsewhere in slightly dif-ferent form. Chapter 4 is based in part on my article “War Powers, Bosnia, and the 104th Congress,” reprinted with permission fromPo litical Science Quarterly113, no. 2 (Summer 1998): 241–58. A version of Chapter 5 appeared previously as “American War Powers and Terror-ists: The Case of Usama Bin Laden” inStudies in Conflict and Terrorism 23, no. 3 (2000): 161–74, published by Taylor and Francis. Portions of Chapter 4 and Chapter 7 also appeared as “Clinton’s Legal Dominion: War Powers in the Second Term” inNational Security Studies Quarterly 5, no. 1 (1999): 29–64. Many other family members and friends deserve my thanks, in-cluding Jerry and Mary Hendrickson, G. McCluskey, and Marguerite Clohisy. Finally, and most importantly, thank goodness for my wife, Tece. The book would not have been possible without her encourage-ment, patience, and love.
Introduction
The question of who has authority to deploy American troops and use military force abroad is one of the most profound and important con-stitutional issues raised since the republic’s founding. In the aftermath of the terrorist strikes on the United States on September 11, 2001, this issue surfaced again on the American political agenda. American for-eign policy entered a new era in the days that followed, in which Presi-dent George W. Bush and the United States Congress essentially de-clared war against terrorists and all those who support terrorism around the world. On September 14, upon President Bush’s request, the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives granted the president authority to use “all necessary and appropriate force” and to take military action 1 “in order to prevent any further acts of international terrorism.” This is not the first time that the commander in chief has been given wide military powers to confront national security threats. In 1964, Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which gave President Lyndon B. Johnson the authority to use “all necessary measures” to combat the North Vietnamese communists during the cold war. President Johnson’s and later President Richard M. Nixon’s military actions in Vietnam eventually led to tense relations between the Oval Office and Congress and to a bitterly divided American public. In response to both presi-dents’ perceived military powers during the Vietnam War, in 1973 Con-gress passed the War Powers Resolution (WPR), which sought to re-strict the president’s power to engage in prolonged military excursions abroad. With the United States now engaged in a new war against ter-rorism, with a similarly empowered commander in chief, the relevance of war powers policy and the importance of understanding the history of the issue are as great as they have ever been. Historically, the question of war powers has produced much ten-sion between America’s executive and legislative branches. In the af-
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