The South at Work
147 pages
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The South at Work

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147 pages
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Description

In 1904 William Garrott Brown traveled the American South, investigating the region's political, economic, and social conditions. Using the pen name "Stanton," Brown published twenty epistles in the Boston Evening Transcript detailing his observations. The South at Work is a compilation of these newspaper articles, providing a valuable snapshot of the South as it was simultaneously emerging from post–Civil War economic depression and imposing on African Americans the panoply of Jim Crow laws and customs that sought to exclude them from all but the lowest rungs of Southern society.

A Harvard-educated historian and journalist originally from Alabama, Brown had been commissioned by the Evening Transcript to visit a wide range of locations and to chronicle the region with a greater depth than that of typical travelers' accounts. Some articles featured familiar topics such as a tobacco warehouse in Durham, North Carolina; a textile mill in Columbia, South Carolina; and the vast steel mills at Birmingham. However, Brown also covered atypical enterprises such as citrus farming in Florida, the King Ranch in Texas, and the New Orleans Cotton Exchange. To add perspective, he talked to businessmen and politicians, as well as everyday workers.

In addition to describing the importance of diversifying the South's agricultural economy beyond cotton, Brown addressed race relations and the role of politicians such as James K. Vardaman of Mississippi, the growth of African American communities such as Hayti in Durham, and the role universities played in changing the intellectual climate of the South.

Editor Bruce E. Baker has written an introduction and provided thorough annotations for each of Brown's letters. Baker demonstrates the value of the collection as it touches on racism, moderate progressivism, and accommodation with the political status quo in the South. Baker and Brown's combined work makes The South at Work one of the most detailed and interesting portraits of the region at the beginning of the twentieth century. Publication in book form makes The South at Work conveniently available to students and scholars of modern Southern and American history.


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Date de parution 10 juillet 2014
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9781611173765
Langue English

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A Harvard-educated historian and journalist originally from Alabama, Brown had been commissioned by the Evening Transcript to visit a wide range of locations and to chronicle the region with a greater depth than that of typical travelers' accounts. Some articles featured familiar topics such as a tobacco warehouse in Durham, North Carolina; a textile mill in Columbia, South Carolina; and the vast steel mills at Birmingham. However, Brown also covered atypical enterprises such as citrus farming in Florida, the King Ranch in Texas, and the New Orleans Cotton Exchange. To add perspective, he talked to businessmen and politicians, as well as everyday workers.

In addition to describing the importance of diversifying the South's agricultural economy beyond cotton, Brown addressed race relations and the role of politicians such as James K. Vardaman of Mississippi, the growth of African American communities such as Hayti in Durham, and the role universities played in changing the intellectual climate of the South.

Editor Bruce E. Baker has written an introduction and provided thorough annotations for each of Brown's letters. Baker demonstrates the value of the collection as it touches on racism, moderate progressivism, and accommodation with the political status quo in the South. Baker and Brown's combined work makes The South at Work one of the most detailed and interesting portraits of the region at the beginning of the twentieth century. Publication in book form makes The South at Work conveniently available to students and scholars of modern Southern and American history.


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The South at Work
SOUTHERN CLASSICS SERIES
Mark M. Smith and Peggy G. Hargis, Series Editors
THE SOUTH AT WORK
Observations from 1904
William Garrott Brown
New Introduction by Bruce E. Baker

The University of South Carolina Press
Published in Cooperation with the Institute for Southern Studies of the University of South Carolina
2014 University of South Carolina
Paperback edition published by the University of South Carolina Press, 2014
Columbia, South Carolina 29208
www.sc.edu/uscpress
23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Brown, William Garrott, 1868-1913.
The South at work : observations from 1904 / William Garrott Brown ; new introduction by Bruce E. Baker.
pages cm-(Southern classics series)
Compliation of 20 articles previously published in various newspapers and other periodicals in 1904. Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-61117-375-8 (paperback : alkaline paper)-ISBN 978-1-61117-376-5 (e-book)
1. Southern States-History-1865-1951. 2. Southern States-Social conditions-1865-1945.3. Southern States-Race relations. I. Title.
F215.B8835 2014
306.097509 ;034-dc23 2013042685
Publication of the Southern Classics series is made possible in part by the generous support of the Watson-Brown Foundation.
Contents
Series Editor s Preface
Preface
Introduction
The Letters
Evidences of Important Changes in Its Ideals
New Energy is Evident in Virginia
Durham and the Famous Duke Family
Tolerance Shown in North Carolina
In the Mill Region of South Carolina
Is the Southern Black Man Making Good ?
Florida Recovering from Its Depression
Progress as Noted in Rural Alabama
The Present and the Future of Birmingham
Fiery Governor Vardaman of Mississippi
Mississippi s Land Awaiting Improvement
What the Levees Are Worth to Mississippi
New Orleans and Its Bright Future
Texas, the Land of Mighty Contrasts
The Awakening of Texas in Agriculture
On the Vast Plains of Southern Texas
Educational Endowments in Texas
Texas as a Grain-Growing State
Unreliable Labor Responsible for Its Backwardness
Rehabilitation Is Now Almost Complete
Notes
Bibliography
Index
Series Editor s Preface
In The South at Work: Observations from 1904, William Garrott Brown offered a travel account for a non-southern audience, initially written as a series of twenty letters for the Boston Transcript. A native southerner, graduate of Harvard University, and well-received author, Brown essentially tells about the South. As Bruce E. Baker explains in his helpful and insightful introduction, The South at Work is in part a searching sociological commentary on the race problem. That much of what Brown wrote was tainted by some unpalatable aspects of white southern progressive thinking does not, as Baker points out, dilute the clarity of many of his observations. Brown provides intelligent commentary on a variety of matters critical to the South at the time, including freedom of thought, religion, political progress, and economic development. He offers us a unique perspective on the hopes of the New South at the turn of the twentieth century. That they went largely unrequited in no way diminishes the enduring value of his trenchant observations.
Preface
This is a project that sat for some time in my filing cabinet, waiting for me to find the opportunity and motivation to tackle it. As I got more interested in it, a number of people provided assistance of various forms, large and small. Brian Kelly of Queen s University Belfast kindly sent me photocopies of the original articles. Alex Barber, now at the University of Durham, but then an impecunious doctoral student at Royal Holloway, typed up the letters. Elizabeth Brake was the most organized, helpful transatlantic research assistant anyone could want to hire. The staff of the Vere Harmsworth Library at Oxford were always helpful. I should also thank the Research Committee of the History Department of Royal Holloway, University of London, for granting a term of sabbatical during which the bulk of the research was accomplished. T. J. Stiles, Melynn Glusman, Adam Seipp, Alfredo Vergel, Pat Huber, and Pat Masterson provided assistance and expertise as I tried to track down some of the references in Brown s letters.
Introduction
W ILLIAM G ARROTT B ROWN was one of many ambitious southerners in the late nineteenth century who left his home and made his way to the more prosperous and intellectually sophisticated North, where his talents would find greater outlets and rewards. Yet like many southerners, he retained his affection for the South and a desire to, as Shreve McCannon would urge Quentin Compson, tell about the South. 1 Born in Marion, Alabama, in 1868, Brown was educated in local schools and then, from 1883 to 1886, attended Howard College, a Baptist university that later became Samford University. After dabbling in teaching and journalism in Alabama, Brown headed to Harvard, graduating in 1891. Brown took a job as the university s archivist in 1892 and settled down to an intellectual life in Cambridge, devoting increasing attention to writing history by the end of the decade. In the early years of the twentieth century, Brown published a number of successful books about nineteenth-century American history, including biographies of Andrew Jackson, Stephen Douglas, and Oliver Ellsworth. 2 During this time he also published widely in magazines on history, especially the history of the South, and commentary on contemporary issues relating to the South, including race relations.
Brown seems to have come up with the idea of touring the South and writing a series of articles about the region in autumn 1903, partly as a way of funding a trip that he hoped would improve his failing health. He proposed a series of articles on the Negro question to both the Independent and the Outlook but eventually struck a deal with the editor of the Boston Evening Transcript. 3 The Transcript was, as one of its editors from that period recalled, of the old Boston, the Boston that is fading, and it prided itself on attracting some of the best writers. 4 At the same time, the Transcript wanted to emphasize news -new things, new enterprises, new aspects of old problems and prospects for the future, in part because so many people imagine that the Transcript is still a repository of reminiscences. 5 The format was not a new one for the Transcript. In autumn 1903, the newspaper had commissioned Canadian journalist Edward William Thomson to write a series entitled The Buoyant Northwest that began in St. Paul, Minnesota, and ended in Regina, Canada. 6 By February 1904 Brown had agreed to write a series of twenty articles, for which he would be paid four hundred dollars. 7
When conceiving of the series of articles, Brown had a definite model in mind, but his letters can also be compared to other categories of writing about the South around the beginning of the twentieth century. Between 1852 and 1854, the polymath Frederick Law Olmsted made two extended trips through most of the states of the South, recording his observations and interactions with the region s inhabitants. Olmsted s careful attention to all levels of society, from planters to poor white people and even slaves, set him apart from many other writers of travel literature about the South. His accounts were published in newspapers and then as three books between 1856 and 1860. 8 Brown clearly wanted to model his 1904 journey on Olmsted s, illustrating what war and the passage of a half century had done to the region.
Assistant editor Frank B. Tracy, however, was less than enthusiastic about this approach. What we want to know, he wrote, is how the South is picking up now and how it has improved in the last ten years, rather than how it has improved since the war. 9 But the very nature of Brown s trip through the South and its firsthand observations put it in a broader category of travel accounts describing the postbellum South for a non-southern audience. 10 Reconstruction saw some such works, such as Sidney Andrews s book about the South in late 1865 and, later, James S. Pike s critical comments on South Carolina s political condition in 1873 and Edward King s comprehensive description of the region in 1873 and 1874. 11 With the shift of the nation s political focus after the end of Reconstruction, the flow of travel accounts about the South decreased, but as historian Thomas D. Clark observes, After 1900, however, the region again found itself on the grand tour, and hundreds of Americans and foreign visitors came in search of personal pleasure, social readjustment, economic opportunity, and the Negro. 12 Another very popular and influential work of travel literature about America, not just the South, that may have influenced Brown came from Princeton graduate Walter A. Wyckoff. He spent eighteen months in the early 1890s working his way across the country from Connecticut to California as a day laborer and then wrote three books about his experiences and went on to lecture on political science at Princeton until his death in 1908. 13
The South at Work also fits comfortably into a genre of books that used a sociological approach to address the race problem in the South, books such as Booker T. Washington s autobiography, Up from Slavery, and W. E. B. Du Bois s 1903 classic, The Souls of Black Folk. Other books combined observation with academically informed analysis. Carl Kelsey carried out field research on black farmers in the South for his sociology dissertation, published in 1903. 14 In some ways Brown s concern with economic issues and with race foreshadows more famous accounts that would appear a few years later, especially Ray Stannard Baker s Following the Color Line. Baker, a famous muckraking journalist for McClure s Magazine, had already visited two lynching sites in the South in fall 1904 before taking an extended trip across the region in fall 1906 to describe the effects of the emerging Jim Crow system. Although Baker was somewhat less confident than Brown about the situation of the South, scholars have detected a note of impending political change that runs strongly through the book, much like Brown s observations about southern politics from spring 1904. 15 Even more similar to Brown s writings in terms of content is the work of another historian, Albert Bushnell Hart. He traveled from North Carolina to Texas in 1907 and 1908 and wrote primarily about race relations but also included chapters entitled Southern leadership and temperament, wealth, actual and potential, cotton culture, and other regional subjects in his 1910 book, The Southern South. 16 Other accounts of the South from this era had less to do with scholarship and more to do with business development and boosterism. The title of J. D. Miller s 1910 book gives a flavor of this genre: A Guide to the South: An Open Gate to the Laborer, Large Returns to the Investor, and Index for the Traveler, a Great Welcome to the Deserving. 17
In the twenty letters that make up The South at Work, Brown discusses all the states of the former Confederacy except Georgia, Tennessee, and Arkansas, and he focuses on a number of key themes of popular interest at the turn of the century. The foremost of these is race, or the Negro question, as it was known. A recurring theme throughout Brown s letters is the idea that African Americans were falling behind in the economic race because of the increased energy of poor white people, who were taking over many of the trades that had long been associated with black workers. 18 This view is part of a broader notion that had been developing since the mid-1880s that without the guiding hand of slavery, and now that the unnatural advantages offered by political activity were behind them, African Americans were proving that they simply could not compete with white people in the open market. 19 It is a view exactly opposite to that taken by Booker T. Washington, but what unites it with Washington s bootstrap ideology is a deliberate overlooking of the violence used against black people to enforce the Jim Crow system and the impunity with which white people could deprive black people of their property and the proceeds of their labor. The period Brown was writing about had seen constitutional disfranchisement take place in Mississippi, South Carolina, Louisiana, North Carolina, Virginia, and Alabama. 20 With African Americans removed from politics, Brown was hopeful that the South as a whole would become more peaceful, with less disorder within the region over the now moot question of black political participation and less waving of the bloody shirt and unhelpful interference from hostile politicians outside the South.
As seen in his discussion of Governors Andrew J. Montague of Virginia and Charles B. Aycock of North Carolina, Brown accepted the arguments put forward by the white supremacy campaigns of the late nineteenth century. In this view of politics, corrupt Black Belt planters controlled the African American vote and kept themselves in power, running state governments for the benefit of wealthy landowners and businessmen at the expense of everyone else. By removing the black votes that kept them in power, the way would be cleared for reforms that would benefit everyone in society, even African Americans, by facilitating economic development. Such was the belief, anyway, and Brown s writings capture perhaps the last moments when such a belief could be sincerely held by a clear-eyed observer of the South. 21 In this context Brown s observations about the political progress made in Virginia are revealing of what the most optimistic southern progressives of the time thought could be accomplished by settling the Negro question through disfranchisement and segregation. Brown wrote about James K. Vardaman of Mississippi in a way that sought to calm jumpy Yankees who had heard lurid tales of the long-haired Mississippi demagogue. While it is clear that Brown preferred the urbane approach of Montague and Aycock, or even the somewhat patrician progressivism of Duncan Clinch Heyward, to Vardaman s naked appeal to racism, he reassured his Boston readers that Vardaman was less frightening, and certainly less influential, than he had been depicted. In this instance Brown is probably too optimistic in thinking that the southern politicians of the future would resemble Montague rather than Vardaman. Had he lived another couple of decades, he would have seen the relative decline of these early progressives and the rising power of politicians modeled on Vardaman, who focused less on reforms and more on racism.
But this shift was not necessarily apparent in 1904, or at least it was still possible to believe that it was not inevitable. An important reason for Brown s optimism was the rise of free thought. Having spent a decade and a half in the intellectual circles of Boston, probably the most freethinking part of the United States, Brown hoped that the development of similar values in the South would lead to the sort of open, prosperous, and modern society he associated with urban New England (while retaining the gracious charm of the Old South). For Brown, the solution of the race question was an important precursor to free thought. With the biggest question of the last fifty years-what would be the position of African Americans in the South?-settled, white southerners were free to openly discuss and disagree about all other aspects of the region s political economy. Yet just as important as the removal of racial struggle and the taboos it imposed was the declining influence of religion. It is no surprise that of all the universities operating in the South, Brown felt a kinship with and chose to discuss Trinity College (now Duke University). Its struggle to modernize and elude the control of the conservatives in the Methodist Church epitomized Brown s hopes for the entire region. The prosperity and good race relations of Durham, North Carolina, was the kind of reward the rest of the South could expect if they allowed free thought to flourish. Again Brown s optimism seemed reasonable in 1904 but was destined to be disappointed, as the 1920s saw the rise of fundamentalism in the South s religious and public culture.
Unsurprisingly railroads come up repeatedly in Brown s letters, and nearly always as a force for the positive economic transformation of the South. The South s railroad mileage had more than doubled in the 1880s. 22 As important as the elaboration of a rail network across the South that connected places like Marion to Birmingham within Alabama was the potential for the railroads to connect the South with the rest of the country. The effects of this are seen in the discussion of Florida: its citrus industry and the truck farming Brown hoped for depended on rail links to markets in the North and Midwest. Similarly the potential for southern ports such as New Orleans and Galveston could be realized only if they were properly connected to the interior through railroads. Brown said relatively little about the role railroads played as a b te noire to the progressive politicians he celebrated; Andrew J. Montague was a prominent railroad attorney before he became a reform-minded politician, and an important battle for many of the southern reformers was gaining political control over the economic power railroads exercised, and the Bourbon politicians they supported. Of course most of Brown s travels in spring 1904 were courtesy of free passes on the railroads, so he may have avoided too much criticism in order not to curtail his travels. 23
In the years after the Civil War, a growing worldwide demand for cotton and changes in the financing of agriculture in the South meant that more and more of the region s farmland was devoted to the crop. As other cotton-producing regions in the world came online, the price dropped. The dilemmas this raised for tenant farmers and the political upheaval it created are too well known to be rehearsed here, but the need for agricultural improvement was getting clearer by the year as cotton prices were getting lower. Brown did not fully investigate the regional implications of the cotton corner of 1903 he discussed, but he did see that something had to change for the sake of the region s farmers. To some extent this meant making new productive land available for agriculture through the construction of levees along the Mississippi River and the use of irrigation in dry south Texas. But more important, economic advancement would require agricultural diversification and getting out of the stranglehold of monoculture, especially of cotton. Wherever Brown went in the South, he sang the praises of truck farmers who raised vegetables and fruits for both local and distant markets, dependent on no single buyer and no single crop.
Manufacturing was also increasingly important in the South that Brown toured in 1904. His depiction of the textile industry is not so much incorrect as partial and, as with so much of his description, overly optimistic. Olympia Mill in Columbia, South Carolina, was one of the most progressive textile mills in the South, if not the country, in the first decade of the twentieth century, but for every mill like Olympia there were a dozen or a score that were the stuff of the nightmares Lewis Hine photographed only a few years after Brown s trip. When Brown described the strength of waterfront unions in New Orleans and the biracial cooperation of unions in the iron and steel districts of Birmingham, he was likewise highlighting the most positive features of the region s labor landscape. In fact 1904 was something of a high-water point for labor organizing not only among waterfront workers and steel and iron workers, but in the textile industry as well. 24 In 1904 the National Association of Manufacturers led a concerted drive across the country to roll back union gains, and they continued to enjoy success until the conditions of World War I gave workers a stronger hand again.
William Garrott Brown was nearing the end of his most productive period when he wrote the letters that make up The South at Work. In 1905 he published his most enduring book, The Life of Oliver Ellsworth. He also began to turn more of his attention to politics, becoming a supporter of William Howard Taft and his attempt to reinvigorate the Republican Party in the South by excluding African Americans. More significant than changes in professional focus was the further decline of Brown s health. He had been going deaf since the beginning of the century, and in 1906 he was diagnosed with tuberculosis. He spent his last two and a half years mostly in bed, but he still wrote regularly. On October 19, 1913, he died at New Canaan, Connecticut, and was buried in his hometown of Marion, Alabama.
The South that Brown described in The South at Work never turned out as well as he had confidently predicted. The politicians he admired lost influence and were supplanted by those who capitalized on racial strife rather than racial harmony. The industrialists he championed as the most enlightened remained the exception rather than the rule. Farmers did not diversify as much as they could have, and their lives grew harder year on year. Yet in The South at Work, we have a unique record of the specifics of the South s economic and social situation at the beginning of the twentieth century by an observer who was skilled both at vividly conveying what he saw and at putting it in a broader historical context. Brown s work documents the high point of the hopes of the New South.
Evidences of Important Changes in Its Ideals
Eager Commercialism-Supplanting the Old Pride and Scorn for Wealth-The South Becoming Aware of Its Vast Resources-A Significant Contrast of Alabama and Indiana-The Labor Problem Still the Most Important One, but Immigration Promises to Be a Partial Solvent
[Special Correspondence of the Transcript ] Washington, Feb. 25
H UNDREDS OF WEALTHY N ORTHERN PEOPLE have gone South this winter in search of warmth and amusement-more probably, than ever before. But they have seen very little of Southern life. Renewing at Palm Beach, Ormond and Asheville the old parade of Bar Harbor, Newport and New York, they have given to the natives about as much study as they did in Maine last summer. They have been served in many cases by the same hotel people who catered for them on the New England coast or in the Adirondacks or the White Mountains. 1
Other Northern people a trifle less wealthy, have taken more modest refuge this extraordinary winter in places where more of what was distinctly Southern in their environment may have seeped in. But the Northern tourists whose report of what is doing down South would be best worth while are of a different and far more numerous class. They went South for business not for pleasure. If they had consulted chiefly their own comfort they would have stayed at home. The trains on which they travelled were nearly always late. The hotels at which they stayed were as a rule inferior to those of New England mill towns. Returning, they will have nothing to tell of golf and tennis and surf baths; very little, in fact of any sort of baths. But these undistinguished tourists, these commercial travelers, these drummers, if you will, could tell us more of the South, than the more important people in Palm Beach, whose wares they may have been selling. 2
I am not sure their talk would not be more instructive even than that of the admirable company which every spring Mr. Robert C. Ogden of New York conveys to the annual meeting of the Southern Educational Association. 3 These highly intelligent visitors meet there a body of Southerners whose point of view is scarcely distinguishable from their own, and exchange with them oratory of a grade uncommonly high. The drummers meet all sorts of Southerners and exchange with them talk that is not so elaborately garnished. Their reports to their houses would be, next to the systematized information gathered by Southern railroads, the best material for a study of Southern conditions and tendencies today. 4
A N A PT S TORY
Last June at a Southern State university, the principal address was given by a politician who comes nearer real leadership than most of his fellows in that section. Half of it was oratory of a sort that is going out of fashion even there-a wearisome threshing over of old controversies, political and sectional. The other half was by contrast strikingly modern. It closed with the following story:
Soon after the Franco-Prussian War a Frenchman and a German, seated at the same table in a public caf , fell into violent controversy over French and German civilization. The Frenchman s main contention was that France alone keeps art alive in the world. She alone, he said, still loves and still creates the beautiful. The German plucked a hair from his bristly moustache, laid it on the table and contemptuously bade the Frenchman go and make something beautiful of that. Some weeks later he received the answer to his challenge from a Parisian jeweler. In an elaborate scarf-pin an eagle s claw grasped the hair by the middle. Pendent from either end was a pearl. On one was written the word Alsace, on the other Lorraine, and underneath was the legend Held-by a hair. 5
The orator with perfect seriousness, applied the sentiment to present-day relations between the North and South. Their old rivalry, he declared is come into a new phase. It is no longer mainly political. It will never again pass into a military conflict. It is economic, industrial-a rivalry in money-making. And he concluded, with confident eloquence, that the North s ascendancy in wealth, in education, in prosperity of all sorts, is today held only by a hair.
Of course, it is absurd to imagine that every time a Southerner puts money in his purse he takes any such thought as this. On the contrary, there is probably less of that obsolescent animus of sectional rivalry among successful business men, North or South, than in any other class. Nevertheless, within the last year or two I have heard more than one Southerner talking somewhat in this strain. Many recent changes and developments seem to make it worth while to consider how much of truth there is in the implied prediction. Is there any good reason to believe that the South, from being the poverty-stricken region, which, speaking comparatively, it has been ever since the war, is going to make rapid gains on the rest of the country? That it is going to be rich-as rich, let us say, in proportion to its area, not as the East, with the great cities, but as the Middle West?
W HY THE R EVIVAL I S S LOW
That is a question which I first began to consider about twenty years ago; for I happened to see much and hear still more of the industrial revival which in the late seventies and early eighties set everybody in the South talking and planning booms. It was mine not merely to observe but to share, with an accessory fever of growth, the curiously confident expectation of an immediate transformation which one Southern community entertained. I saw old fields staked out into broad avenues, the lots sold at prices which would not have been low in a city of several hundred thousand inhabitants, and big brick office buildings erected close alongside Negro cabins. I witnessed the collapse of more than one of these magic growths.
Nevertheless, with these recollections fully in mind, I have found myself this winter, while visiting various parts of the South off the lines of winter travel, considering the question more seriously than ever before. Something in the air has kept turning my thought to it-away from politics, away from education, away from the race issue in any but its industrial bearings. I have been made to feel that for the present the true Southern Question is the question of how to make money out of the South s resources.
The census people cannot help us to answer it, but they do help us state the problem with which the Southern people have to deal. Let us put it this way.
The states of Alabama and Indiana are very nearly of the same age. 6 Alabama has about one-third more area, Indiana one-third more population. The aggregate value of all farm property in Indiana is in round numbers 979 millions of dollars. In Alabama the aggregate is 179 millions. Manufactured products in 1900 were valued at 878 millions in Indiana, in Alabama at 81 millions. 7 Yet I suppose it will be generally agreed that Alabama s natural resources were at the start greater than Indiana s. They are probably greater today, notwithstanding that some of the best lands were exhausted by slave labor.
To explain these figures would be to rewrite a great part of American history. Disregarding all that, however, one conclusion is perfectly clear. Industry in Alabama has not been nearly as effective as in Indiana. And this applies to very recent years-not to slavery times only. The greater part of the wealth of a modern society is always, so the economists tell us, the accumulation of a decade or two. Industry in Alabama is, accordingly, far less effective right now that it is in Indiana. 8
Shall we ask, then, what is the matter with Alabama? The answer would not be quite so simple or diverting as Mr. William Allen White s was to a like inquiry concerning Kansas. 9 No doubt we should all agree that at bottom, in one way or another, the Negro is the matter. Some of us might put it a slightly different way and say that slavery is still the matter. Eminent Negroes have themselves pointed out that Negro industry, such as it is, is the creation of that institution. Considered merely as an industrial factor, questions of right and wrong entirely apart, the Negro was raised by slavery from the zero he was in Africa to a point of efficiency not substantially lower than his present rating.
But the Negro is the whole matter only if we take into account all sorts of effects of his presence on Southern society. The lack of competent and persistent labor among the whites is the matter. A low standard of living is the matter. Ignorance and illiteracy is the matter. It is quite as true of the whites as it is of the blacks that industrially they fall below the Indiana standard.
In this very fact, however, lies the opportunity of the present, the great possibility of the future. A thoroughly effective industrial system has been at play on Indiana s resources from the start. 10 Intelligence and thrift have left unused no important means of wealth. They will go on in reaping their reward. But the rate of accumulation is not likely to show any great rise. Alabama, if she can somehow bring to bear on her resources a better sort of industry than she had, may gain on Indiana, even though her labor never does equal that of the North. Take Virginia, instead of Alabama, and the point will be clearer. Virginia is nearly three hundred years old, Indiana less than one hundred. But let the two States exchange populations tomorrow, and the people of Indiana would find in the Old Dominion more untraveled roads to wealth than they would leave behind them. For the very reason that the South has always lagged behind, it has now the chance to advance more rapidly than any but the least developed parts of the North.
What is the South doing with its opportunity? I hope in these letters to show that it is already doing somewhat, to point out some signs that in the immediate future a vast deal is going to be done. I hope to describe some extremely significant and important changes that are coming about in Southern ways from the quarters where they can best be observed. Taken together, they are rapidly increasing the effectiveness of Southern industry. Let them continue, and the South will grow rich. Perhaps it may be as well to enumerate the most important of them now.
C HANGES IN THE P EOPLE
And first of all is a change in the Southern people themselves-a change of ideals. Perhaps it would not be quite right to say that in the last twenty-five years in the South has been commercialized, but that has been the tendency. It desires wealth as it never has before. It realizes today as never before what wealth means in the modern world. Along with the craving for it comes the awakening to the possibility of acquiring and creating it, if only her industrial methods can be somewhat improved.
In the seventies Southern people took up booming and town building much as one takes up a new game. 11 They were easily misled, like most beginners, into the notion that they played the game well. They went too fast, discounting all their gains. Some little fortunes were quickly made, and most people s heads were turned. Many, after a few lucky ventures, plunged into waters far too deep for them. Some came on to New York in search of bigger stakes. The man who profited most by the development of the iron region around Birmingham, in Alabama, and became in consequence for a little while the richest man in the state, lost it all in Wall Street. 12 There were dozens of similar instances. All the phenomena of Western booms repeated themselves among a people by temperament more sanguine and excitable than the Westerners.
They have learned their lesson, and the same generation is still on the scene. The desire to grow rich is chastened, but it is stronger than ever, and far more intelligent. Can anyone wonder if it has become a passion? Consider merely that for forty years the proudest branch of the English race has been about the poorest, and in the most prosperous country in the world. Their poverty has been constantly borne in upon them. Not only proud but pleasure-loving, they have had the best of nothing. At Eastern colleges, where long ago Southern students were the lordliest of swells and sports, they are nowadays for the most part impecunious grinds. Here in Washington you will rarely see the Southern representatives and senators at the more expensive hotels. Be sure that Southerners are tired of the threadbare, the makeshift, the second best. Sheer hatred of poverty is as common a ruling passion among them as anywhere on earth.
T HE S OUTH H ATES TO B E P OOR
The hard experience which has taught them to love money has taught them more than they used to know about making it and keeping it. In the school of poverty they have unlearned many of the habits of mind and body which they got from slavery. Waste, extravagance, self-indulgence, laziness, contempt for work-these old-time characteristics are disappearing. There is one little sign of growing thrift which a Northerner might not note. Thirty years ago, in a community impoverished by war and reconstruction, nickels were the smallest change employed. Today coppers are as much in evidence in Southern towns as they are in New England.
All this is meant more particularly of people whom for want of a juster adjective we call the better class. With the poor whites, many of them since the war no poorer than those who have always been above them-the case has been different. In many quarters they, too, have undergone a change. Never having been cast down, they have endured no special humiliation. It is simply that many of them have been awakened by the railroads, the furnaces, the cotton mills. The cotton mill especially has meant much to these people-more even than the school house. From their long lethargy they have begun to awaken not so much to education or any sort of culture as to a crass commercialism; they are beginning, for the first time, to work for wages. In that role they are practically a new factor in the Southern industrial problem.
But, of course, labor in the South is still for the most part Negro labor, and there, no doubt, is the rub. It is still, undeniably, far inferior to the white labor of the North. To improve it or to find a substitute for it is what must be done. That is the crux of the whole matter. England has already decided that she will not rely on Negro labor in the mines of the Rand, and has provided for importation of Chinese coolies in large numbers. 13 It is late in the day for the South to consider a change of help, but the last ten years have in fact brought more improvement in the situation and more signs of coming improvement than any fifty years before.
T HE L ABOR P UZZLE
The lowest point of effectiveness of free Negro labor has been passed, and something has also been accomplished by way of substituting white labor. On both these lines there have been gains. In a number of communities I have satisfied myself by observations and by the testimony of other observers, white and black, that counteracting influences have arrested the deterioration in the quality of Negro labor which certainly did result immediately from emancipation. The teaching of Hampton and Tuskegee is, perhaps, the strongest of these influences. The gospel of work and saving preached best by President Washington has unquestionably obtained a wide acceptance. The practical dropping of the race issue by the Republican party has also done much to convince Negroes everywhere that they must work out their own salvation, and that at present they have nothing to gain through the ballot box. On this point, I am glad to have my own observation confirmed by so careful an investigator as Mr. Carl Kelsey, who has made a long journey through the South with the sole purpose to examine into the character and the returns of Negro labor in agriculture. His monograph shows that the Negro farmer, whether independent or not, is still far inferior to the white farmer of the South, not to speak of the North. His earnings and savings are pitiably small. But he is, on the whole, gaining. 14
But it is quite possible that the gain by substitution will be more rapid. Poor whites have been brought to work side by side and on the same price with Negroes, as in the tobacco factories of North Carolina. That being true, one cannot believe that immigration can be much longer diverted from the South on account of the race issue. As a matter of fact, immigrants are now coming in who compete with Negroes for work always hitherto assigned to them without competition. Little colonies of Italians mean in this respect what the large colonies of Germans which have long been settled in Texas, Alabama and other quarters, never have meant; for in the regions which these German colonies occupy there are practically no Negroes at all. 15 Italians have taken the place of Negroes on cotton and rice and tobacco plantations, and have more than held their own. 16 There is a little colony of French Canadians in South Carolina. Elsewhere experiments are being made with Swedes. 17 Whatever the outcome-whether or not the Negro successfully meets a sort of competition he has never had before-it is hard to see how the labor system of the South can fail to be improved.
T HE A ID OF THE R AILROADS
Of the active agencies now at work in this industrial movement throughout the South, the railroads have become the most important. We all know what they did for the West. There, having through the bounty of the Government large tracts of land of their own to dispose of, they became the greatest promoters ever known. It is only within the last ten years that in the South they have fully committed themselves to a similar policy. The problem was unlike the West s, for it was not precisely a new country they had to develop, and their own interest was not so directly involved. Nevertheless, they are today going far to prove the truth of a remark attributed to the late Cornelius Vanderbilt shortly before his death. The South, he said, is to be, for the next fifty years, the best field for railroad enterprise. 18 What President James J. Hill and others have been doing for the newest Northwest still remains to be done for the oldest parts of the South. The railroads are beginning to do it, employing in some instances men who got their training in the Northwest. It is they who are responsible for most of the immigration which the South is now receiving. It is their confident expectation that within the next twenty years-perhaps the next ten years-the main current of immigration will flow southward, rather than westward. 19
STANTON

Published in the Boston Evening Transcript, February 27, 1904, pg. 20.
New Energy Is Evident in Virginia
Factories and Settlers from the North
Why the Race Question Is Not So Vexing There as Farther South-What Virginia Is Doing For Education-Practical Work Accomplished by Several of the Industrial Schools for Blacks and Whites-The Crusade for Good Reads
[Special Correspondence of the Transcript ] Richmond, March 1.
O NE MUST BE VERY KEEN INDEED about the things of today if in Richmond and thereabouts one is going to be firm enough to neglect altogether that absorbing yesterday which everywhere rises up again to make even the best work and liveliest interests of today seem commonplace and vulgar. 1 Governor Montague is a decidedly modern looking young man. 2 He himself admits very frankly that to the vital movements of the present in Southern society the politicians contribute nothing. They are, in fact, a hindrance to progress, and yet are not, on the other hand, conservative of anything truly worth conserving. But there is no doubt that the governor is progressive. He stands distinctly for some of the best things now doing in Virginia-things like the industrial training of both races and good roads. Nevertheless, as I sat talking with him yesterday in a chamber of the Executive Mansion that looks out upon the little State House which Jefferson designed, everything he said about change and progress sounded peculiarly temerarious. All the causes he seemed to have at heart commended themselves to my judgment and patriotism. But who are these young men to transform Virginia? Will their wrestling with social problems so old as hers seem good to these world-famous men who stare at one from all sides-in the crowded little State House, from the walls of clubs and hotels and private houses, from the windows of the shops? And if they do indeed change the face of Virginia, how much will they preserve of her imperial spirit, of her quiet way in heroisms, of her incomparable social traditions? If they should leave her rich, prosperous, modern, would they be able to keep for her people their best possession-their manners?
But we may as well face the new forces here, where reverence is at its strongest. What changes Virginia dares no other Southern State should shrink from. The Legislature is now proposed to change, certainly to enlarge, the Capitol itself-possibly the most crowded to be found in any State. 3 Let us be satisfied with the assurance that Houdon s Washington will be more safely housed. Today, standing in the center of the little rotunda which opens on one side right upon the floor of the House, on the other into the Senate, the admirable statue owes none of its dignity to remoteness. 4 Just fifteen years ago, Frederick Law Olmsted pronounced the Capitol, good as its lines are, too cheap a setting for such a treasure. 5 It would long ago have been rebuilt if the State had not been too poor.
The House, as it happened, was debating this morning a proposed law, based on the Torrens plan, for registering lands, and a speaker from the South Side took occasion to describe two changes that are making the land question important in Virginia. 6 Our labor is leaving us, he said, and on the other hand new people are coming among us. Some, he thought, might be deterred from coming by the difficulty of getting flawless titles.
N ORTHERN D RIFT OF N EGROES
The exodus of Negroes Northward is now a constant source of uncertainty in every farmer s planning and forecasting. The trouble is that they are as likely to leave in the middle of the farmer s busy season as at any other time. Governor Montague is of the opinion that it is the more capable and ambitious among them, as a rule, who go to seek better or at least bigger opportunities in the North, but a farmer member of the Legislature does not agree with him. Many come back, it is true, but the drift in Virginia is steadily Northward, and that, no doubt, is the reason why the State made only a moderate gain in population the last census decade. The drift to the cities is quite as marked, and what with these two tendencies it is no wonder that the farmers, who as a rule still prefer the Negro labor to which they are used, are suspicious of the Negro schools. Some are outspoken against education, but there is plenty of evidence that the potent voices in education in the State will always be raised if there is an attack on Hampton, or on the Virginia Union University 7 in this place, or the Normal College at Petersburg, 8 or any other institution which gives practical training to the blacks. Dr. S. C. Mitchell, of Richmond College, 9 has a fear that the Vardaman reaction may spread from Mississippi throughout all the Southern States. 10 But I do not believe there is in Virginia quite the same sort or degree of prejudice against the negro as in Mississippi. At any rate you will rarely find a Virginian who does not hold that Virginia Negroes are the best. The claim has been rather convincingly reasoned out for me in this way.
The Negro in Virginia has been in contact with whites longer than anywhere else in America. None have been imported since the Revolution, and there are no rice swamps or sea islands, as in South Carolina, where they would have lived under overseers with little tutelage from white families of the better sort. 11 When the Gulf States were settled, it was the worst of them, not the best, who were sent into the Black Belt. Those who remained were in a sense selected.
However that may be, and however ill the farmers may take the loss of their Negro laborers who go North, or to the cities, or hire or rent land for themselves, one cannot help believing that in the end Virginia will be the better for it. There is nothing but the Negro to militate against white labor in Virginia-in agriculture or anything else. None of the hyacinths which I shall probably see first in South Carolina are valuable here, nor any daffodil to take the winds of March with beauty. And on the whole the most encouraging sign of all is the evidence one easily discovers that as a laborer the white man is here coming into his own. One finds him taking the Negro s place on the farm because he must. In establishments like the Richmond Locomotive Works he sometimes keeps a place right alongside the Negro and keeps it without complaint from either party.
T HE M AKING OF L OCOMOTIVES
This particular concern, now a branch of the American Locomotive Company, is perhaps Richmond s best contribution to the record of Southern business enterprise. It is also worth remarking that the men who made it important were of the class which, if Major Gancey, in Colonel Carter of Cartersville, is a true representative, had done no work until 1865. 12 It began in the early eighties with a small plant which made boilers for sawmills. When the notion of making locomotives was first doubtfully entertained there was little to go on but a reasonable hope that if good locomotives could be made at Richmond one or two Southern railroads would buy them. There was here neither the right machinery nor the knowledge nor labor that was required. Nevertheless, in 1884, a locomotive was built for the old Richmond, Fredericksburg Potomac Road. Not long ago a workman, buying a piece of land from the manager, paid him with money earned at work on a locomotive which was sold in Finland. In 1889, the company bid successfully for the contract to make the machinery of the battleship Texas, and did the work-successfully also, we cannot doubt. Ten years later, Mr. Trigg, who had been concerned in both these enterprises made his venture in building torpedo boats. The boats he built were accepted, but this industry has now been abandoned here. There were some years, following the panic of 1893, when the locomotive business also had to be continued at a loss. When, however, it went the way of most independent concerns nowadays and was sold to a big combination, there can be no doubt that the purchase price more than covered all the losses. 13
What is better still the managers of the other concerns found here two devices which they promptly adopted. One was a system of shop-accounting, invented by a Richmond boy, which had enabled the company to estimate with extraordinary accuracy the cost of any particular piece of work. The other was a plan of feeding the workmen which would have done credit to Mr. Edward Atkinson of Brookline, 14 but which was in fact the contrivance of the head of the company. There would be something humorous, to anyone fortunate enough to know this Virginian s idea about things to eat if I were to name him as the founder of perhaps the cheapest lunch-counter service in the country. He himself was no doubt surprised enough when he discovered that strong coffee could be sold for one cent a cup and good rich soup for three cents a pint. 15
T HE S ETTLERS AT J AMESTOWN
That is doing pretty well for wasteful Virginia, but let us not be too ready to find only what we came to seek. There is waste enough, if one is seeking that, and proof enough that Virginia, if at the beginning of a period of rehabilitation, is only at the beginning, and that the beginning is very slow. I have been very strongly tempted to run down the peninsula and start these observations at Jamestown. Two reports from that quarter of the State may explain the temptation. One is of the deer-that they are apparently increasing in number until they become a pest. 16 The other is of immigrants from the North or from Europe who are taking up land. Perhaps, if I seem too eager to find a new purpose and a new thrift in Virginians, the suggestion of new colonies in the wilds near Jamestown may set me right with the reader. If a still darker picture is needed, let the reader search out for himself the horrible details of the recent crime at Roanoke. 17 The governor said yesterday they were too revolting for one man to tell them to another. Then let him ponder a suggestion which came to me for the first time this afternoon-that it may be we do not know half how often the worst horror of Southern life is accomplished. Is it not the inbred patient habit of the woman to conceal her deepest wrongs.
That startling idea did not come to me from the man who conceived it, but from one of a group of men who are doing Richmond s part in the struggle for better schools and better roads. These are evidently the two main lines of progress and reform. In the cities much has been done in both. Southern cities in general cannot be very far behind those of the North in these respects. Yet the other day at a good-roads meeting here in Henrico county, one speaker declared that there is not in all Virginia outside of the immediate neighborhood of the cities a single mile of really good country road. In the tidewater region, truck-farming and dairying promise to be the best means of rehabilitation; for these ready access to market is simply essential. Sheer poverty is the State s excuse-that, and the dissipation of its revenues into too many institutional channels. Better roads would doubtless do more than anything else to keep the country people at home, but it seems plain that to get them the counties must tax themselves.
A PPEALS FOR B ETTER S CHOOLS
If they wish also to tax themselves for better schools, they can. The Southern Education Board, in order to carry out its plan of local taxation for school purposes in Virginia, does not need to secure first any amendment to the law. But the agitation is slow in making headway. Two competent agents-Virginians of family and influence-have been for a year or two presenting the matter, as McIver and Alderman did in North Carolina-on the stump. 18 The Times-Dispatch, of Richmond, would scarcely, at one time, let a single issue go out without some sort of an appeal. There is no lack of ardent advocates. 19 If the people are slow to respond, it is probably the petty politicians who are most of all responsible. It is clear that industrial training is gaining in favor among the whites as well as the blacks. The growth of the Institute of Technology at Blacksburg is the most striking success that any Virginia college has won in the last ten years. 20
Captain Vawter, with the Miller Manual Training School, near Charlottesville-he was captain of Stonewall Jackson s sharpshooters-is doubtless the man who, next to Armstrong, has done the most for industrial training in this State. 21 He saw the need of it at the end of the war and has worked on it ever since. A bequest of a million or more from a self-made Virginian gave him, twenty-five years ago, his principal opportunity. But one finds him generally accredited with the reorganization of the Negro school at Petersburg, accomplished during the present administration, and with the stoutest sort of championship of other kindred causes. 22 I mention his name because it will be new to Northern readers with whom Armstrong s and Washington s are literally household words. Jackson s soldiers were as like Cromwell s ironsides as any body that ever trod American soil. We all remember what Macaulay said of the Protector s old soldiers when, in the years of peace, they were still to be found wherever a hard and worthy task demanded men. 23
STANTON

Published in the Boston Evening Transcript, March 5, 1904.
Durham and the Famous Duke Family
How the Great Tobacco Market Has Been Developed
The Rise of the Dukes an Absorbing Story-Their Labors of Importance to the Orient as Well as North Carolina-A Southern Town with Little Race Antagonism-How Commercialism Is Uplifting the Blacks-A Prosperous, Model Negro Settlement with Few Idlers
[Special Correspondence of the Transcript ] Durham, N.C. March 3.
F ROM V IRGINIA TO N ORTH C AROLINA may be a farther cry than the people who know only the South will easily understand. But the backyard of Virginia is very like the backyard of North Carolina. Coming from Richmond to Durham, I traversed both. Their visible contents were pine trees, whitish, tired looking fields, and sawmills.
If there s anything that can contribute ugliness to a piney-woods railway station it s a sawmill. This must have been the region from which a certain request for estimates on a sawmill once came to an Eastern manufacturer. He informed his correspondent that such a mill as he desired could be erected for six thousand dollars. Back came-not an order but a reply: If a man had six thousand dollars, what in -- would he want with a sawmill?
Nevertheless, a very intelligent young man from New York has moved down here to run one. He came aboard somewhere in Dinwiddie County, Va., and took the seat in front of me. He has lived in Southside, as Southern Virginia is called, two or three years, and he also knows the farming country in New York State. The land we were passing through brings, he said, from a dollar and a half to five dollars an acre. No millionaires inhabit it. But could not a Northern farmer, with up-to-date methods and machinery, make it pay? He answered, yes! with just enough deliberation to show that he had thought that out already. The farmers, he said, are still away behind those of New York. They have never completely got over the notion-not an entirely incorrect notion in slavery times-that success in farming is to be measured simply by acres. If they reduce their holdings at all, it is usually because they cannot command sufficient labor; that is largely because the Negroes keep going to the North and to the cities. New methods and modern implements win their way very slowly. Roads and schools are primitive.
But he likes them-the natives. They are a sincere, kindly people, and only too hospitable for their means; only too indulgent, also, with the Negroes. He is watching the stray signs of an awakening to new things among them not without hope. My own reflection is that in these old Virginia and North Carolina countrysides every painful inch that is gained will stand for tidal inflows elsewhere in the South. Nevertheless, to the immigrant, whose stake at first must be very small, and whose chief dread is the competition which he must immediately encounter, this may well be as good a country for a beginning as any in America. He may not rise very quickly, but he will not be crushed or crowded out.
A N A STONISHING S CARCITY OF I DLERS
And yet, one reflects here at Durham, it takes not so very great a leaven to leaven a whole mass, even of just such Southern country-folk as those we were discussing. I am honestly persuaded that there are fewer idiots here than in any other community, North or South, that I ever had a chance to study. If one were inclined to that sort of rhetoric, there would be ground enough to say that a single personality has been leaven enough for the whole. To say that a single family has furnished the leaven would scarcely be unreasonable. Yesterday, I attended a sale, or break, at one of the tobacco warehouses. 1 Piles of leaf tobacco, ranging from ten to two or three hundred pounds, were waiting in long rows for the auctioneer and the buyers. When the sale began, the group passed from one pile to another so rapidly that it was hard to believe that the transaction was a genuine auction. The expertness of the buyers was amazing, for the prices ranged from $4.70 to $95 per hundred weight. Between those two grades a greenhorn could see some difference-but not that much. Carefully comparing two leaves, one from a pile that sold at $40, another from the best pile, which brought the highest price of the season-both wrappers-I could scarcely see the difference at all. But what I meant to remark was that the clerks, who followed behind and wrote on a tag stuck in each pile the price and purchaser, scribbled a D on two-thirds of the tags-notwithstanding that all the big American and foreign concerns were represented among the buyers. 2
Nobody in any tobacco market in the country would need to guess twice at what the letter stands for. But these people know better what it stands for than they could know anywhere else. There was a Durham station on the old North Carolina Railroad at the end of the war which you will find several times mentioned in the official accounts of Johnston s surrender to Sherman, and the Duke farm was but three or four miles to the west of it-not very far from the Bennett farm, where the commanders met to arrange the terms. 3 The Bennett House is long since deserted, and will soon fall down if it is not restored. Barring some action by the national Government, the best chance for its preservation is that some sportsman or club may preserve the land about it. I have several times shot quail in sight of it. The present Duke houses are here in Durham and in New York, and there is a big country place in New Jersey.
R ISE OF THE G REAT D UKE F AMILY
Yet when Mr. Washington Duke came back in 1863 from serving the Confederacy-against his will, for he was not a secessionist-he had no money, his farm was in the hands of another, and there were four young children. The story of what followed doesn t sound like the South as most of us have conceived it, but the fight of this undistinguished North Carolina family, not a single member of it equipped with so much as a good common school education, is the best instance I know of what the common man can do, and of what in many instances, on a small scale, he has done, in the South. It is an entirely different story in its essential motif from those Mr. Page and others have told so delightfully of the restoration of Southern families distinguished and decayed. The Dukes have never had the slightest affiliation with aristocracy of any sort, and are probably the least pretentious millionaires in the country. But the youngest of them, born in the time of James Buchanan, and named for him, has fought for power more passionately, and has won more of it, than any other Southerner we know about. His control over an enormous business, national and international in its organization, is comparable only to Rockefeller s and Havemeyer s, and he is very much younger than either of these. 4 It all began with a little factory which Mr. Washington Duke started in his barn away back in Reconstruction times and which now has the largest output in the world. 5
The rise of this family has meant much to people as far away as Great Britain and China-and not always something pleasant. Here also there were in the early days rivals to overcome, but they have all disappeared. Now, the great majority of the people hereabouts know that their fortunes are dependent in one way or another on those of their old neighbors, the Dukes. As to the neighborhood, itself, the changes have been innumerable. Durham Station is become the first manufacturing city in the State, though one or two others may have more capital invested in manufactures. Old Orange County, to which it formerly belonged, was partitioned in 1881, and now one discovers instantly when one has passed out of Durham County into Orange. It means the end of a good road and the beginning of a bad one. 6 Two of these roads lead respectively to Hillsboro and to Chapel Hill, each of which is about twelve miles from Durham and about the same distance from the other. Chapel Hill remains very much as it was when first Johnston s and then Sherman s troops passed through it. Hillsboro, once the Colonial capital, was finished before the Revolution. Cornwallis, they say there, were he to come back again, would instantly recognize his old headquarters. The present writer, when he wandered through the graveyard, found on the stones family names he had heard first in the Black Belt, and which for many years have been heard far oftener in the younger Southern States than they have been in North Carolina. Yet nothing has been done at Durham that might not as well have been done at Hillsboro. People from Hillsboro and Chapel Hill seem to be as busy and successful at Durham as the people from anywhere else. 7 The object lesson in the possibilities of these older parts of the South is as convincing as it would be if even Hillsboro should take on industry and forget all about Cornwallis.
Q UIET I NDUSTRY THE N OTE
The younger city is peopled by North Carolinians, with comparatively few accessions from other States. The men at the head of its industries are nearly all natives of the State, and there is very little Eastern or foreign capital invested in them. The entire foreign population, including persons born in America of foreign parentage, is but 365. The labor in the factories-all white in the cotton factories, black and white in most departments of the tobacco business-is drawn from the poorer country districts of this and neighboring states. Yet there cannot be any question of the community s industrial effectiveness. Both tobacco and cotton factories are multiplying steadily, and they are both in competition with establishments in other parts of the country. 8 The tobacco trust would not enlarge its plants here if it could not get better results anywhere else.
Quiet industry is the note of the whole movement. In a different way, these people are as simple as the best-bred Virginians at Richmond. In distinction and charm they are lacking. The ornate and over-expressive manner which many Southerners use is seldom to be observed, unless one finds it in the pulpit or on the rostrum. Most of the houses are bad, and some of them painfully over-decorated, but for a new and prosperous town where many, after long poverty, have risen to comfort or to wealth, there is surprisingly little display in dress and entertainment. Better still, there is less bigotry and more tolerance of various kinds than in many a bigger and older community one could name. The factories are not the only establishment which have arisen here from the initiatives of the Dukes. The new industrialism and commercialism which they stand for has proved to be the strongest impulse towards liberalism ever awakened in North Carolina. These men are themselves, by nature and as an outcome of their lives, devoted to freedom and guardians of the plain man s opportunity. Over in Haiti (pronounced Haytye), the Negro settlement, is a hospital which they built and which they have committed unreservedly to Negro physicians and a board of control composed entirely of Negroes. 9 On an elevation in West Durham, facing, across a wide depression, the biggest of the cotton mills, is Trinity College, which they have endowed as no other Southern college has ever been endowed by private benefactors.
L ITTLE R ACE T ROUBLE
Is it possible that after all commercialism will do for the Negro more than either law or philanthropy has ever done? The people of Durham are not generally of the class of Southerners who, according to the animus of the speaker or writer that describes them, appear alternately as the inveterate oppressors and the natural protectors of the blacks. There is little of the picturesque or the patriarchal in their relations with them. It may be characterized rather as business, tempered with caste and kindliness. How the Negroes have fared under it alongside the white factory hands I have sought to learn from their own leading men as well as from the more observant whites.
It is business, not caste, that excludes the Negro from the cotton mill and gives him work on the same price with whites in the tobacco factory. 10 There he shows himself fairly competent for certain sorts of work. In the cotton mill, so far, he has not succeeded.

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