Dynamising Liberation Movements in Southern Africa

B. Shai

Description

The primary aim of this interdisciplinary book is to take stock of the state of liberation movements in Southern Africa. This aim is informed by the fact that the study of the reconciliation of the past and present politics of liberation movements can never be complete without a rigorous and systematic focus on Southern Africa and through the South[ern] angled lens. The aim of this book will be achieved by delving into the following objectives: Analyse the transition of liberation movements into governing parties; Identify and tease out the common challenges and key issues plaguing liberation movements' incumbency; Forecast the future of liberation solidarity in Southern Africa; Showcase refreshing perspectives on the journey travelled thus far by the liberation movements; Compare and contrast the performance of liberation movements led governments in Southern Africa; Describe the patterns and trends of practice by Southern Africa's liberation movements. Written from a South[ern] angled lens by contributors belonging to different generations of the witnesses to the dynamisation of the liberation movements in Southern Africa and most of the analysis and documentation represented by this book about African liberation movements was done by Africans and for Africans.

Sujets

• World
• Asian
• African studies
• Postcolonialism
• POLITICAL SCIENCE

Informations

• Publié par: Institute for Preservation and Development
• Date de parution: 24 décembre 2020
• Nombre de lectures: 1
• EAN13: 9781991205346
• Langue: English
• Poids de l'ouvrage: 2 Mo

Extrait

Dynamising Liberation Movements in Southern Africa: Quo Vadis?

Dynamising Liberation Movements in Southern Africa: Quo Vadis?

Editors

Kgothatso Shai and Siphamandla Zondi

© Ziable Publisher and Institute for Preservation and Development 2020

The moral rights of the author(s) have been asserted.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organisation. Enquiries concerning the reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to Ziable Publisher (www.ziablepublisher.com) and Institute for Preservation and Development (IPAD).

ISBN: 978-0-620-85121-3

Published by Ziable Publisher in partnership with IPAD

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Typesetting, book layout and design by Bono Multimedia

Book Cover design by Brand Cupid World

Contents

Chapter One Setting the scene for dynamising liberation movements in Southern Africa: Quo Vadis? 1 Kgothatso Shai and Siphamandla Zondi

Chapter Two Liberation movements and modern democracy: Should movements transition into political parties? 11 Siphamandla Zondi

Chapter Three ANC-led South Africa’s health record: An African human rights perspective Kgothatso Shai and Olusola Ogunnubi

Chapter Four Appraising JG Zuma-led ANC through an Afrocentric lens Kgothatso Shai and Emeka Ndaguba

Chapter Five Views of profound unprecedented challenges faced by the African National Congress as a governing party by its members Sehlare Makgetlaneng

Chapter Six Jacob Zuma-led ANC as a home of major contradictions Kgothatso Shai

Chapter Seven The ANC’s Christianity-driven morality as political theology through the X-ray of Ahmed Kathrada Kgothatso Shai

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Chapter Eight The coming of the end of the African National Congress: A reality or pipe dream? 100 Makhura Rapanyane

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Chapter Nine The arrogance of “entitlement” to sustain ZANU-PF’s hold onto power as a liberation political party Katija Khan

Chapter Ten Use of public media in attacking the ghost of ‘regime change’ agenda in defense of liberation movements in Southern Africa: ZANU-PF case Josephat Mutangadura

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Acknowledgements

Individual authors would like to record particular appreciation to the following journals who accepted the testing of the raw research ideas that laid a solid foundation for the earlier drafts of some of the chapters included in this book: African Renaissance, Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies, Journal of Public Affairs, and Ubuntu: Journal of Conflict and Social Transformation.

We are also indebted to the National Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences (NIHSS) which generously and to a particular extent, sponsored this book project by injecting a seed funding in favour of the South African Association of Political Studies - Limpopo Chapter (SAAPS-LC) during the year 2017/8. This book represents one among the many achieved measurable outputs for this sponsorship.

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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Emeka A Ndagubais a Research Assistant at the Department of Public Administration, University of Fort Hare and researcher in Governance, North- West University.

Josephat Mutangadurais a Senior Lecturer in Applied Languages at Tshwane University of Technology, South Africa.

Katija B Khanis Professor of Media Studies at the University of South Africa (UNISA).

Kgothatso B Shaiis an Associate Professor and Head of Department of Cultural and Political Studies at the University of Limpopo, South Africa.

Makhura B Rapanyaneis a Masters candidate in International Politics at the University of Limpopo, South Africa.

Olusola Ogunnubiis a Research Fellow at Mangosuthu University of Technology (MUT), South Africa.

Sehlare Makgetlanengis the Executive Director of the Institute for Preservation and Development (IPAD), South Africa.

Siphamandla ZondiProfessor of Political Sciences at the University of is Pretoria, South Africa.

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Chapter One

Setting the scenefor dynamising liberation movements in Southern Africa:Quo Vadis?

Background

Kgothatso Shai and Siphamandla Zondi

It is with great honour and privilege for having served as the co-editors of this book volume. In the next pages, we present a few of our shared thoughts about some of the pertinent issues relating to liberation movements in Southern Africa. Our wish was to have had a prologue of this book written by one of the elders of the liberation struggle in South[ern] Africa. Due to the reasons that are beyond RXU FRQWURO ZH IRXQG RXUVHOYHV LQ D GL൶FXOW VLWXDWLRQ RI KDYLQJ WR SURFHHG ZLWK the production of this book without an envisaged contribution by one of the veterans of the liberation struggle in South[ern] Africa. Despite this setback, this LQWURGXFWRU\ FKDSWHU KDV EHQH¿WHG D ORW IURP WKH WKRXJKWSURYRNLQJ FRQYHUVDWLRQ between comrade George Mashamba and Prof Kgothatso Shai during August 2019 in Polokwane.

The elders’ input on such an ambitious book project is particularly important. This is because we live in a society wherein the Westernised knowledge hegemony has brainwashed us to believe that regardless of their knowledge, activism and energy, elders are naturally isolated and dejected from active academic and policy discourses. This is the greatest weakness about Africa; which cannot be observed in Europe and North America. Our indictment of this premise dovetails with the English adage which says that “whisky matures with age”. So, the conversation referred to above has exposed us to a critical and rare knowledge on the past and present history of the politics of liberation in South[ern] Africa. Unlike the contributors of the individual chapters and editors of this book, Mashamba hesitantly shared his reservoir of knowledge even though he does not believe that he is “well-learned”. This should be understood within the context that he spent ten years at Robben Island prison. While in prison, he was not lucky to UHFHLYH ¿QDQFLDO VWXG\ VXSSRUW GXH WR UHDVRQV WKDW DUH EH\RQG WKH VFRSH RI WKLV chapter and book as a whole. As such, his thoughts about the cause, context and HYROXWLRQ RI OLEHUDWLRQ PRYHPHQWV KDV EHHQ ODUJHO\ LQÀXHQFHG E\ KLV SDLQIXO SHUVRQDO H[SHULHQFH RI WKH VWUXJJOH DQG HQFRXQWHUV ZLWK IUHHGRP ¿JKWHUV IURP elsewhere in South[ern] Africa, particularly from Zimbabwe and Namibia. While in prison, he had the privilege of serving as the ANC head of political education

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and, as such, he did self-teaching exercises by reading the political, especially communist literature.

:ULWWHQ IURP D 6RXWK>HUQ@ DQJOHG OHQV E\ FRQWULEXWRUV ZKR EHORQJ WR GL൵HUHQW generations of the witnesses of the dynamisation of the liberation movements in Southern Africa, this book is intellectually stimulating and timely. While the arguments advanced in individual chapters are not necessarily in harmony, there is no question about the coherence of the chapters entailed in this book. As such, LW LQVSLUHV FRQ¿GHQFH WKDW PRVW RI WKH DQDO\VLV DQG GRFXPHQWDWLRQ UHSUHVHQWHG by this book about African liberation movements was done by Africans and for Africans. While the book is relevant, we should hasten to point out that we do not necessarily agree with all the arguments advanced. Such reservation is borne of our perspectives as we fully understand that scholarship is the contestation of ideas. We might have certain reservations about the traditions and doctrines that birthed what is known as academic freedom; but we have a healthy respect for this fundamental freedom that is cherished in the Constitution of the democratic South Africa. Hence, in real life situations we do not have an absolute truth.

Depending on our epistemic and ontological location, grounding and orientation, what we have is the idea of truth- which is the product of a perception. Collectively, we are extremely worried about the Westernised dominant narrative that has been embraced by most academics, media and some activists about the so called “sins of incumbency” on the part of the liberation movements in Southern Africa and Africa as a whole. Our conviction is that this is a fallacy. /LEHUDWLRQ PRYHPHQWV VXFK DV WKH $1& GR QRW VX൵HU IURP WKH VLQV RI LQFXPEHQF\ Incumbency presents an avalanche of opportunities for the liberation movements WR H[HUFLVH VWDWH SRZHU IRU WKH EHQH¿W RI WKH SHRSOH 8QIRUWXQDWHO\ WKH OLEHUDWLRQ PRYHPHQWV¶ GH¿FLW RI WKRXJKW DQG HWKLFDO OHDGHUVKLS FDXVHV WKHP WR VWDJQDWH DQG ultimately fail to complete their historic and strategic mission. The premise for this observation is that history does not have a space for stagnation. As such, the only prospects for liberation movements are either to go backward or forward. In the post-colonial era, going forward entails confronting the inhuman and brutal system of capitalism as represented by Western hegemony. In quagmire of either standing with the Western powers or the people, the easiest route for the liberation movements is normally to stand with the former.

This should be understood within the context that most liberation movements in Southern Africa have a tendency of submitting to scare tactics of the Western powers due to the fear of being isolated by them. It is on this basis that gradually, liberation movements are losing their relevance because of the [un]conscious breakdown of the moral contract that they have previously entered with the people. Consequently, the end result is that liberation movements are regressing WRZDUGV EDFNZDUGQHVV VLPSO\ EHFDXVH WKH\ DUH IXQGDPHQWDOO\ VX൵HULQJ IURP sins of stagnation, instead of “sins of incumbency”. At this juncture, it is crucial for scholars to shift away from the individual level of analysis in pondering the liberation movements’ future of the past and the past of the future. An eminent FDOO IRU SROLWLFDO VFKRODUV DQG SUDFWLWLRQHUV LV PDGH IRU WKHP WR VHULRXVO\ UHÀHFW

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on strategic and tactical ideas (not individuals) on how liberation movements can be retained and used as political organs to take the struggle to another level and/ or at most, to complete the liberation cause which is still lagging in both political and economic fronts. As opposed to the popular belief that governing liberation movements have political power and not economic power; we unapologetically submit that, governing liberation movements neither have political nor economic power. In the post-colonial era (and post-apartheid era in the case of South $IULFD JRYHUQLQJ OLEHUDWLRQ PRYHPHQWV KDYH DFFHVV WR SROLWLFDO R൶FH %XW UHDO political and economic power is still in the hands of the white minority. These are the political conundrums that need to be well diagnosed in order for relevant and sustainable solutions to be conceived. “Power, to the people/ matimba, a hina”; and not liberation movements. If liberation movements mismanage power, it is the shared moral and humanitarian responsibility of the people to take their power.

Rationale

The historic Arab and European intrusion into Africa has been met with collaboration and resistance by the locals as soon as it became apparent that it was poised to destabilise the way of life of the Africans. It is evident that this intrusion later manifested itself into oppression and exploitation of the Africans. The role of the Arabs in this regard was short-lived and displaced when the partitioning RI $IULFD DPRQJ WKH (XURSHDQ SRZHUV ZDV IRUPDOLVHG LQ WKH %HUOLQ FRQIHUHQFH during the 18th century. It is to state the obvious to mention that colonialism in Africa was preceded by slavery. Some Africans, especially African traditional leaders were complicit to the perpetuation of the enslavement and colonisation of their nations in order to carry favours and privileges from the slave masters and colonisers. Most Africans, who are the majoritarian segment of the population in Africa and the indigenes of the same continent, individually and collectively UHVLVWHG VODYHU\ DQG FRORQLDOLVP LQ GL൵HUHQW ZD\V

Such resistance also ushered the establishment of liberation movements which were to be used as the vanguards for fostering unity and solidary among the RSSUHVVHG $IULFDQ PDVVHV ZLWKLQ DQG EHWZHHQ GL൵HUHQW FRXQWULHV LQ $IULFD DQG African diaspora. Among the liberation movements to be established include the ANC in South Africa, Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO) in Namibia, Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) and People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Like liberation movements in other parts RI $IULFD WKRVH LQ 6RXWKHUQ $IULFD ZHUH HTXDOO\ LQVWUXPHQWDO LQ WKH ¿JKW DQG defeat of colonialism. However, this victory is mooted by some observers who argue that liberation movements in Southern Africa have only attained political freedom for the people and they are either failing or at the cross-road in terms of the realisation of economic freedom.

Despite these imperfections on the part of the liberation movements cum ruling political parties, it appeared they still carried the hopes of the majority of Africans

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