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Le miroir de Nouméa

80 pages
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Ajouté le : 01 janvier 0001
Lecture(s) : 27
EAN13 : 9782296418073
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DU MÊME AUTEUR Contestation politique et revendication nationaliste aux Antilles françaises. Les élections de 1981, Editions L'Harmattan, Paris, 280 p., 1986.


La classe politique française face à la crise calédonienne

Éditions L'Harmattan 5-7, rue de l'École-Polytechnique 75005 Paris

cg L 'Harmattan,


ISBN: 2-85802-947-4

THE NOUMEA MIRROR (French political class facing the Caledonian crisis) *

Events of New Caledonia were unexpected by most of the French politicallife observers. During the first year of the crisis, the press took possession of the file with a kind of fever. Then it was pushed away, under the news pressure, but the question was not resolved. The picture of the problem was very often too simplified: France against Oversea Territory, Canaques against Caldoches. More than 30 years after the Algerian insurrection, the French state authority faced é! great defiance. Although the debate was along, classical explanations about a separation between a Mother country and a colony have only partly worked. The New Caledonia crisis shows a series of elements and their combinations influence in the same time the Kanak nationalist claim and the Mother country politicallife. From a theorical point of view, the political push of the Kanak and Socialist National Front of Liberation (FLNKS)was eased because the central state was in a kind of weaknesse. With central state, we mean the French institutions works and the politicallife machinenes. To accelerate and then to slacken the events were the socialist government reactions, in spite of an obvious sympathy for the Kanak people. The Noumea business became a stake for the French political 7

disputebetween the Left and the Right. It was also the subject of hard debates in each camp. The communist party critized the socialist administration, giscardiens and the gaullist movement did not propose the same solutions. This divided situation partly eased the Kanak nationalist political strength. Since 1853, the New Caledonian has been living under the rules of France. During the 1984-85 period, this island became a piece of the Mother country political game. This change is important for the aim of the FLNKS.It is no less important for the French state. Expressing its view about the future of the territory, French political class reveals in the same time its ways of working. In other words, Noumea became a kind of mirror for the politicians and the political parties, although their whole strategies gave only little room to the New Caledonia. Socialist, communist, gaullist, giscardien groupes and the very right-nationalist Front national spoke a lot about the Caledonian business but it was just an element among many others in the French political fights. Caledonian islands were just another battlefield to organize some assaults against the government or against some troubling allies. Those strategies were often far removed from the basic question. The successful push of the FLNKSunderlines that a binary analysis speaking about Mother country and colony is not sufficient to light the events. It is obvious that the kanak nationalism is rooted in a social, geographical, ethnical, cultural, historical and political reality which has very little to do with the French system. But in 1984-85, the kanak. claim finds some favourable elements inside the French center. In order to complete other kinds of analysis, it seems interesting to observe the reactions of the French political class, because the breaking between France and New Caledonia shows some cleavages in the continental Hexagon. 8