My Struggle for Peace, Vol. 2 (1955)

Moshe Sharett

Description

To access the supplementary documents (WebDocs) cited in the Diary, please visit: https://wdsharett.blogspot.com/

My Struggle for Peace is a remarkable political document offering insights into the complex workings of the young Israeli political system, set against the backdrop of the disintegration of the country's fragile armistice with the Arab states. Replete with the diarist's candid comments on Israel's first generation leaders and world statesmen of the day, the diary also tells the dramatic human story of a political career cut short—the removal of an unusually sensitive, dedicated, and talented public servant. My Struggle for Peace is, above all, an intimate record of the decline of Moshe Sharett's moderate approach and the rise of more "activist-militant" trends in Israeli society, culminating in the Suez/Sinai war of 1956. The diary challenges the popular narrative that Israel's confrontation with its neighbors was unavoidable by offering daily evidence of Sharett's statesmanship, moderation, diplomacy, and concern for Israel's place in international affairs.

This is the second volume in the long-awaited 3-volume English abridgement of Sharett's Yoman Ishi [Personal diary] (Ma'ariv, 1978) maintains the integrity, flavor, and impact of the 8-volume Hebrew original and includes additional documentary material that was not accessible at the time. The volumes are also available to purchase as a set or individually.

3-volume set (1953-1956): https://iupress.org/97802530432521

Volume 1 (1953-1954): https://iupress.org/9780253037350

Volume 2 (1955): https://iupress.org/9780253037589

Volume 3 (1956): https://iupress.org/9780253037626

Sujets

• HISTORY
• Israel
• History of the Middle East
• Middle East
• Foreign Policy

Informations

• Publié par: Indiana University Press
• Date de parution: 19 mars 2019
• Nombre de lectures: 0
• EAN13: 9780253037602
• Langue: English
• Poids de l'ouvrage: 2 Mo

Extrait

My Struggle for Peace
The Diary of Moshe Sharett 1953-1956
Volume 2
January - December 1955
Edited by
Neil Caplan and Yaakov Sharett
Translation from the Hebrew
Yaakov Sharett and Neil Caplan
INDIANA UNIVERSITY PRESS
BLOOMINGTON AND INDIANAPOLIS
Publication of this English edition of Moshe Sharett, Yoman Ishi (1978) was initiated by The Moshe Sharett Heritage Society (MSHS) 30 Ben-gurion Blvd., Tel aviv, Israel 6458805

www.sharett.org.il
Cover and Graphic Design by Adi Chen
The MSHS and Indiana University Press gratefully acknowledge the generous support of the Israel Institute, Washington DC.

www.israelinstitute.org
2019 Indiana University Press
All rights reserved
No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.
Manufactured in the United States of America.
Cataloging information is available from the Library of Congress.
ISBN 978-0-253-04325-2 (cloth, 3-vol. set)
ISBN 978-0-253-03735-0 (cloth, vol. 1)
ISBN 978-0-253-03758-9 (cloth, vol. 2)
ISBN 978-0-253-03762-6 (cloth, vol. 3)
ISBN 978-0-253-03738-1 (ebook, vol. 1)
ISBN 978-0-253-03761-9 (ebook, vol. 2)
ISBN 978-0-253-03763-3 (ebook, vol. 3)
1 2 3 4 5 24 23 22 21 20 19
A List of persons cited by their first name and mini-glossary of terms appears on page viii of Volume 1.
A List of Abbreviations appears on page x of Volume 1.
Table of contents
Volume 2: January 2, 1955 - December 31, 1955
D b cle in Egypt
To Fire, or Not to Fire?
Lavon Out, Ben-Gurion In
The Gaza Operation
Revenge Killings and IDF Cover-up
Ben-Gurion and Dayan Rebuffed
Tug of War: MFA versus IDF
Demagoguery on Independence Day
Nasser Shmasser!
U Nu in Jerusalem
To Stay in Government Or Not?
An Abomination in the Central Committee
The Reason to Stay On
Against Opening a Lebanese Front
A Preventive War - Yes or No?
Arms for Israel!
Facing the Big Four Foreign Ministers
A Prime Minister Returns a Foreign Minister
Stabbed in the Back
1955
D b cle in Egypt
Saturday, January 1
[No diary entry found for this date.]
Sunday, January 2
I am renewing my diary writing after who-knows-how-many months of cessation, which caused me deep frustration, but which I have not found the energy to overcome. I do have the skeleton of events I wrote down daily, and I have not given up hope of filling in the gaps. But who knows if and when I will find the time necessary for this and if my memory won t fail me when I try to revive it all. It seems only the protruding events have remained intact while the colors and experiences have become dull or have even been erased completely.
Two decisions are going to fall this week: the verdict in the trial of the ten Jews in Cairo and the resolution of the Security Council debate in the matter of the Bat Galim. As regards the trial, we have received worse news than what we had before and decided to take up vigorous measures again. This morning Gideon Rafael set out for Paris once again for the purpose of this affair, and yesterday I wired London to ask Orbach to come to Paris and be prepared to fly immediately to Cairo. 1
The press is overflowing with the details of the story told by the captain and the nine sailors of the Bat Galim who were returned to Israel yesterday. [- - -]
Before the Cabinet meeting, Yosef Tekoah summarized for me his conclusions of the Bat Galim affair in light of the return of the crew. Even though Joe could easily have reached a completely negative assessment of the entire operation, having had no part in the decision to send the boat, he - a sensible observer and sober-minded analyst - saw some definite positive achievements in its aftermath. First, the Egyptian position had been completely exposed and laid bare before the entire world. As much as they had tried to cover it up with false allegations, they had been forced to retract them. Second, for the first time an explicit resolution had been adopted by a UN institution - the this time - regarding the legality of Israeli navigation in the Canal. Third, it may be assumed with confidence that from now on there would be no interference with the passage of Israeli cargoes on non-Israeli ships. This last improvement was not something to be viewed lightly. I praised Joe for his clear thinking and good spirits. I was truly much relieved and the world around me seemed a bit less gloomy. 2
[- - -]
At the last moment before the opening of the Cabinet meeting, Eshkol entered the meeting room, followed immediately by Lavon. Evidently, Eshkol wanted to talk in private, but that became impossible. He voiced a strong appeal against my establishing a commission of inquiry. 3
The consequences, he said, would be most disastrous. Dayan has apparently managed to explain the matter to him from his point of view. I rejected his critical response both in principle and in practice. The inquiry begins this afternoon.
In the course of the Cabinet meeting, I signed the instrument of authority which I had drawn up last evening and [my secretary] Shamai copied them by hand. Lavon asked to see them and I assented. There remained a paragraph in the above document making it obligatory to draw my attention to defects in the apparatus of command and the political control over it. I was sure that this would suffice for the commission to spread its net. 4
Most of the Cabinet meeting was swallowed up by an argument about the Law of Inheritance. The religious Ministers are satisfied with the minimum: they are not demanding the delegation of all matters of inheritance within the rabbinical authorities, but insist on making it possible for those interested to have their matters brought before a rabbinical court. Our Ministers and [Pinhas] Rosen vehemently opposed this: We are a modern state. In all properly governed states, including Turkey, Pakistan and Egypt, inheritance matters were taken out from the hands of religious courts and handed over to civil courts. It is just impossible that we shall have two parallel juridical systems. What about the status of women? I suggested we postpone a decision, and hinted I would be ready for a compromise with the religious on condition that the right of women to full equality [be assured] without any discrimination. 5
In the afternoon there was a consultation at my home on the matter of the [planned] Israeli delegation to China, headed by David Hacohen, 6 and the implications of this move for our relations with the US. The consensus was not to postpone the trip which was scheduled for the last week in January. The delegation would look into trade possibilities in Rangoon too, and also visit Thailand and the Philippines. All this is to impart greater scope to the trip and slightly blunt the Chinese sting therein. I suggested that we emphasize in the press that the boycott enacted against us by the [organizers of the] Conference of Asian and African Nations [which would convene in April in Bandung, Indonesia] made it even more imperative for us to develop our contacts with China. The Americans have to be told that, facing such extensive isolation, we cannot be expected to sentence ourselves to additional isolation of our own accord. Walter voiced his opinion that Nehru s defense of our right to take part in the [scheduled] conference, which he d expressed both in Jakarta and at the press conference in Calcutta on his return to New Delhi, was likely to hasten the establishment of diplomatic contacts between ourselves and India. Would that it be so. The truth is that Nehru has gotten himself tangled up in a moral contradiction by defending our right of equality vis- -vis other nations while denying us this same right in our relations with his own country.
For dinner at home, in our kitchen, Charles Shulman, a Reform Rabbi from New York, active in the UJA and an old friend. A good chap but and endless talker. I learned from him that the very same Henry Crown, who had visited me a few months ago, is so heavy with money that he may be the richest Jew on Earth - Charles is breaking his head over how to warm Crown s heart.
[- - -]
Pinhas Sapir renewed Eshkol s protest over the inquiry into the Cairo mess. Harsh words were exchanged between us. I resolutely announced that I was not willing to bear the responsibility for the unruly situation which had arisen without an authoritative inquiry which I could trust. The fear that, as a result of this [commission], the terrible relations pervading the defense leadership and the criminal allegations bandied about there by one and all would become public knowledge does not hold water. And this, not because this fear is unfounded, but because such is the reality and the absence of an inquiry would not remedy the ill; it would only constitute a scandal in its own right. Golda supported me with all her vigor. She related that, two weeks ago, she had already demanded that I launch an inquiry, and that I had answered that I was postponing it until after the trial in Cairo. In an aside she said that she had been highly impressed by my behavior during the whole course of dealing with the affair of the trial, not having busied myself with internal accusations, which it would have been my right to do, but having devoted myself entirely to saving the accused from the danger of hanging.
Meanwhile, it became clear that word of the inquiry is known throughout the IDF upper echelons and the directorate of the Defense Ministry. Appare