Inclusive Development In AfrIca

Livres
321 pages
Lire un extrait
Obtenez un accès à la bibliothèque pour le consulter en ligne
En savoir plus

Description

This book addresses a fundamental developmental challenge for Africa: given all that we know about pertinent issues, what should be done to ensure effective development in Africa? The changing imperatives of international development, the reform of international finance institutions and the growth-development nexus debates as well as varied implications for Africa emanating from global economic crises are critical if Africa’s development is to be better understood. Undoubtedly, revisiting the origins, contexts, complexities and contradictions of the lopsided global order and their effects on development and implications for Africa’s development is necessary. Contributions emphasise the need to radically transform global relations and to accelerate the pursuit of our quest for inclusive development in Africa; acknowledging that we must further problematise Africa’s development in the context of the obtaining global power dynamics and systematically examine the implications of the global economic crises for women as well as for land and agrarian reforms. The book is a timely contribution to our understanding of the global realities confronting Africa, with specific suggestions on how to improve development.

Sujets

Informations

Publié par
Date de parution 22 mai 2018
Nombre de visites sur la page 2
EAN13 9780798305211
Langue English

Informations légales : prix de location à la page  €. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

Signaler un problème
Inclusive Development in Africa Transformation of Global Relations
Vusi Gumede (ed)
Inclusive Development in Africa Transformation of Global Relations
First Published in 2018 by the Africa Institute of South Africa Private Bag X41 Pretoria South Africa, 0001 ISBN: 978-0-7983-0520-4 ISBN: 978-2-86978-756-8
© Copyright HSRC and CODESRIA 2018
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted by any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission from the copyright owner.
Any unauthorised copying could lead to civil liability and/or criminal sanctions.
Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at in this book are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the Africa Institute of South Africa.
Project Manager: Mmakwena Chipu & Danoline Hanyane Copy Editing: Bangula Lingo Centre Proofreading: Dudu Coelho Design and Layout: Full Circle Cover Design: Dudu Coelho Printing: Shereno Printers
The Africa Institute of South Africa is a think tank and research organisation, focusing on political, socio-economic, international and development issues in contemporary Africa. The Institute conducts research, publishes books, monographs, occasional papers, policy briefs and a quar-terly journal – Africa Insight. The Institute holds regular seminars on issues of topical interest. It is also home to one of the best library and documentation centres world-wide, with materials on every African country.
For more information, contact the Africa Institute of South Africa at Private Bag X41, Pretoria, South Africa 0001 – See more at: Email: publish@hsrc.ac.za; or visit our website at http://www.ai.org.za
The Africa Institute of South Africa (AISA) thanks the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) and the government of South Africa which through the Department of Science and Technology (DST ) has supported this endeavour. Without this support, this work would have been not just difficult but rather almost impossible to conduct. We look forward to future fruitful engage-ments and further growth in the capacity and capabilities of all the cooperation parties. More important, we look forward to improvements in the scope and quality of the cooperation and its outcomes.
CODESRIA would like to express its gratitude to the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), the Carnegie Corporation of New York (CCNY), the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD), the Rockefeller Foundation, the Open Society Foundations (OSFs), The Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA), The Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA), Andrew Mellon Foundation, and the Government of Senegal for supporting its research, training and publication programmes.
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i Forewordii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prefaceiv . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . About the Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . x. . . Abbreviations and Acronyms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiv . . . . . . . . . . .
CHAPTER 1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Towards Inclusive Development in Africa Vusi Gumede
CHAPTER 2 Genealogies of Coloniality and Implications for Africa’s Development 23 Sabelo J. NdlovuGatsheni
CHAPTER 3 Africa and Global Recessions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 Options for reducing vulnerability in future Theresa Moyo
CHAPTER 4 No African Futures without the Liberation of Women . 67. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A decolonial feminist perspective Akhona Nkenkana
CHAPTER 5 Capitalist Crisis and Gender Inequality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Quest for inclusive development Dikeledi A. Mokoena
CHAPTER 6 Agrarian Accumulation and Peasant Resistance in Africa104 . . . . . . . . . . . . . Walter Chambati, Freedom Mazwi and Steven Mberi
CHAPTER 7 The Great Recession and ‘Development’ Implications for Africa135 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Possibilities, constraints, and contradictions of oil-driven industrialisation in Ghana Jasper Abembia Ayelazuno
CHAPTER 8 Inclusive Development in Nigeria170. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CONTENTS Beyond the fetishism of GDP and challenges of poverty reduction Samuel O. Oloruntoba
CHAPTER 9 Inclusive Development in South Africa187 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rethinking socio-economic policies and state-capital relations Vusi Gumede
CHAPTER 10 The G77 and the Transformation of Global Relations205. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  . Challenges and opportunities Serges Djoyou Kamga
CHAPTER 11 Emerging Questions on the Shifting SinoAfrica Relations. . . . . . . . . .  . 228 ‘Win-win’ or ‘win-lose’ Phineas Bbaala
CHAPTER 12 Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) and Africa . . . . . . . 251 New projected developmental paradigms Tukumbi LumumbaKasongo
CHAPTER 13 Towards Another ‘Great Transformation’269. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  . Thandika Mkandawire
CHAPTER 14 Neoliberal African Growth Narrative. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289 Way forward Yash Tandon
Acknowledgements
I acknowledge the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) and the Africa Institute of South Africa (AISA) for al-lowing the republication of the articles (as chapters in this book) published in the two special volumes ofAfrica DevelopmentandAfrica InsightI had guest edited. Many of the chapters in this book were initially published in the special issues ofAfrica Development40, No. 3, 2015) and (Vol. Africa Insight (Vol. 46, No. 1, 2016). I thank the authors, and especially the authors that I approached to contribute for the first time in the book in order to close gaps highlighted by reviews. I also thank CODESRIA and AISA presses for agreeing to jointly publish the book. I am also grateful to the AISA Press publications team, under the leadership of Ms Mmakwena Chipu, for ensuring that this book becomes reality. I am very grateful to Atabongwoung Gallous, Molefi Mohautse and Moorosi Leshoele for helping with editing some of the articles/chapters to ensure that chapters meet the author guidelines. It is a privilege for me to publish seasoned scholars I have looked up to for decades and emerging scholars I have mentored. It is an honour to have two former Directors of the UN African Institute for Economic Development Planning (IDEP) doing preliminaries: Samir Amin for writing the Preface and Adebayo Olukoshi for writing the Foreword. Lastly, I must thank the Thabo Mbeki Foundation and the University of South Africa for providing me space for academic endeavour.
i
ii
Foreword
The study of African development remains one of the most important en-deavours in contemporary social and humanistic research. The reasons for this are not too far-fetched: six decades since the first African countries won their liberation from colonial domination, development – of the type that delivers a progressive, sustained and sustainable transformation of lives and societies – easily remains the single most important challenge facing the peoples of the continent. That much is recognised by the continental Agenda 2063, adopted by African leaders under the auspices of the African Union as a statement of a collective resolve to turn the tables on persistent poverty and underdevelopment over the next two generations. Despite all of the recent outbursts of ‘Afro-euphoria’ summarised in the notion of ‘Africa Rising’ that was popularised by those who saw rich and quick pickings for global investors on the continent, it has been very clear that progress continues to be stymied by widespread poverty, growing inequality, mas-sive youth unemployment, the continuing marginalisation of women, and severe deficits in domestic productivity, competitiveness, value addition, infrastructure and development planning. This book represents a timely and important addition to the body of research that has been generated over the years on the ways in which in-ternational factors and actors adversely affect development prospects and outcomes in Africa. This is a concern that is long-standing among African scholars, going back to the dependency debates of the period from the 1950s to the end of the 1970s. The debates were carried into the 1980s and beyond, in the context of the multi-faceted intellectual and political contestations of the unidirectional market liberalisation agenda of the international finan-cial institutions and an assortment of bilateral donors for the continent. Building on the intellectual heritage of the last six decades, the book under-scores the position that without a radical redressing of the lopsided global order that has had cumulative negative effects on African countries over the years, Africa’s prospects of breaking out of underdevelopment will continue to suffer. This basic premise of the book carries numerous implications, in-cluding the continuing necessity for a reform of global economic governance in general, and the international finance institutions in particular. Doing this also broaches an issue that is increasingly exercising minds in Africa, namely, the nature and quality of leadership. Serial leadership failings in Africa have become the flip side of a hostile external environment and will merit increased attention.
This book, another instalment of Vusi Gumede’s edited works on the po-litical economy of Africa’s development, adds to the positive imprints from his rich and varied experience in government as an adviser in the South African presidency during the Thabo Mbeki years, and the role he played in his technical capacity in the early beginnings of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development. One of the gaps which still need to be filled in Africa is the gulf that separates researchers and policymakers. In blending policy questions into the research issues covered in the different chapters, the book offers us a double bonus of rigorous scholarly analyses embedded in contemporary African development policy concerns. It is equally impressive that younger and upcoming scholars are offered a crucial space to share their perspectives on the problems and prospects of a continent that is commonly referred to as the most youthful in the world on account of its demographic composition. Taken together with the conscious effort made to promote a multi-disciplinary dialogue, the book easily commends itself as compulsory reading for students, officials and activists interested in emerg-ing new directions in African development thinking and research.
Adebayo Olukoshi
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
November 2017
FOREWORD
iii
iv
From Bandung (1955) to the Great Recession
Old and new challenges for the States, the Nations and the Peoples of Africa PREFACE Samir Amin
INTRODUCTION
The 1955 Conference of Bandung declared the will of the Asian and African nations to reconquer their sovereignty and complete their independence through a process of authentic, independent and consistent development to the benefit of all labouring classes. In 1955, most of the Asian and Middle East countries had reconquered their sovereignty in the aftermath of World War II, while movements of liberation were in struggle elsewhere – in Africa in particular – to achieve that goal. As recalled by the leaders of Bandung, the conference was the first in-ternational meeting of non-European (so-called coloured) nations whose rights had been denied by the historical colonialism/imperialism of Europe, the United States (US) and Japan. In spite of the differences in size, cul-tural and religious backgrounds and historical trajectories, the so-called non-European nations together rejected the pattern of colonial and semi-colonial globalisation that the Western powers had built to their exclusive benefit. But Bandung also declared the will of Asian and African nations to complete the reconquest of their sovereignty by moving into a process of au-thentic and accelerated inward-looking development, which is the condition for their participating in the shaping of the world system on equal footing with the states of the historic imperialist centres. The timeless conference brought together countries which had made different choices with respect to the ways and means to achieve their devel-opmental targets. Some (e.g. China, North Vietnam and North Korea) had chosen what they named the socialist road, inspired by Marxism. Others conceived national and popular specific ways combined with social progres-sive reforms (what could be named national/popular projects). Soekarno’s Indonesia, Nehru’s India, Nasser’s Egypt and later many other countries are examples. All these countries gave priority to the diversification and indus-trialisation of their economies, moving out of their confinement to remain producers/exporters of agricultural and mining commodities. All of them considered that the state had to assume a major responsibility in the control
of the process. They also considered that their targets (in particular their moving into the industrial era) could eventually conflict with the dominant logics of the global system; but that they were in a position which allowed them to successfully compel the global system to adjust to their demands. Yet a number of countries which joined the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) did not adopt a definitive position with respect to what needed to be done, and considered possibly pursuing development in the frame of the deploy-ment of the global system. What ought to be recalled is that all the countries of Africa and Asia benefited from the very existence of NAM, whatever had been their choices. The political solidarity initiated by Bandung paid in various ways. A coun-try like Gabon, for instance, would not have been able to capture a good part of the oil rent if the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and NAM had not made it possible. The stress was, therefore, put on that political solidarity and NAM countries supported unanimously the struggles (including armed struggles) of the peoples of remaining colonies (Portuguese colonies and Zimbabwe), and against apartheid in South Africa and occupied Palestine. The history of NAM until the 1980s has been the history of internal political and social struggles within each country precisely around the axis as defined above: what is an alternative, efficient strategy for meaning-ful political, social and economic development? These struggles combined with the conflicts operating in the international arena, mainly the East/ West conflict. Yet, in no way should the initiatives taken in Bandung and their deployment by NAM be considered a misadventure of the Cold War, as presented by the Western media, yesterday and today. The Soviet Union sided with NAM and, to various degrees, supported the struggles conducted in Africa and Asia, particularly in response to the Western economic and, sometimes, military aggressions. The reason for that is simply that the Soviet Union and China were also excluded from the eventual benefit of participating in a truly balanced, pluricentric pattern of global system. In contrast, the Western powers fought NAM by all means. Therefore, the view expressed by the Western media that NAM had lost its meaning with the end of the Cold War, the breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1990 and the move of China out of the Maoist road, is meaningless: the challenge that unequal globalisation represents remains. Bandung and NAM were fought by the imperialist countries. Coups d’état were organised by local reaction-ary forces, supported by foreign interventions that put an end to a number of Bandung-inspired state systems and national popular experiences (in Indonesia, Egypt, Mali, Ghana and many other countries). The growing
FROM BANDUNG (1955) TO THE GREAT RECESSION
v