Abraham Lincoln
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Abraham Lincoln

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Publié le 08 décembre 2010
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The Project Gutenberg EBook of Abraham Lincoln, by John Drinkwater This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net
Title: Abraham Lincoln Author: John Drinkwater Release Date: February 19, 2004 [EBook #11172] Language: English Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ABRAHAM LINCOLN ***
Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Bradley Norton and PG Distributed Proofreaders
    
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
A play by JOHN DRINKWATER
With an introduction by ARNOLD BENNETT BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY 1919 DRAMATIC RIGHTS IN THE UNITED STATES
CONTROLLED BY WILLIAM HARRIS, JR.
To THE LORD CHARNWOOD
NOTE In using for purposes of drama a personality of so wide and recent a fame as that of Abraham Lincoln, I feel that one or two observations are due to my readers and critics. First, my purpose is that not of the historian but of the dramatist. The historical presentation of my hero has been faithfully made in many volumes; notably, in England, by Lord Charnwood in a monograph that gives a masterly analysis of Lincoln's career and character and is, it seems to me, a model of what the historian's work should be. To this book I am gratefully indebted for the material of my play. But while I have, I hope, done nothing to traverse history, I have freely telescoped its events, and imposed invention upon its movement, in such ways as I needed to shape the dramatic significance of my subject. I should add that the fictitious Burnet Hook is admitted to the historical company of Lincoln's Cabinet for the purpose of embodying certain forces that were antagonistic to the President. This was a dramatic necessity, and I chose rather to invent a character for the purpose than to invest any single known personage with sinister qualities about which there might be dispute. Secondly, my purpose is, again, that of the dramatist, not that of the political philosopher. The issue of secession was a very intricate one, upon which high and generous opinions may be in conflict, but that I may happen to have or lack personal sympathy with Lincoln's policy and judgment in this matter is nothing. My concern is with the profoundly dramatic interest of his character, and with the inspiring example of a man who handled war nobly and with imagination. Finally, I am an Englishman, and not a citizen of the great country that gave Lincoln birth. I have, therefore, written as an Englishman, making no attempt to achieve a "local colour" of which I have no experience, or to speak in an idiom to which I have not been bred. To have done otherwise, as I am sure any American friends that this play may have the good fortune to make will allow, would have been to treat a great subject with levity. J.D. Far Oakridge, July-August, 1918 INTRODUCTORY NOTE This play was originally produced by the Birmingham Repertory Theatre last year, and it had a great success in Birmingham. But if its author had not happened to be the artistic director of the Birmingham Repertory Theatre the play might never have been produced there. The rumour of the provincial success reached London, with the usual result—that London managers magnificently ignored it. I have myself spoken with a very well-known London actor-manager who admitted to me that he had refused the play. When Nigel Playfair, in conjunction with myself as a sort of Chancellor of the Exchequer, started the Hammersmith Playhouse (for the presentation of the best plays that could be got) we at once began to inquire into the case of Abraham Lincoln. Nigel Playfair was absolutely determined to have the play and the Birmingham company to act it. I read the play and greatly admired it. We secured both the play and the company. The first Hammersmith performance was a tremendous success, both for the author of the play and for William J. Rea, the Irish actor who in the rôle of Lincoln was merely great. The audience cried. I should have cried myself, but for my iron resolve not to stain a well-earned reputation for callousness. As I returned home that night from what are known as "the wilds of Hammersmith" (Hammersmith is a suburb of London) I said to myself: "This play is bound to succeed" The next moment I said to myself: "This play cannot possibly succeed. It has no love interest. It is a political play. Its theme is the threatened separation of the Southern States from the Northern States. Nobody ever heard of a play with such an absurd theme reaching permanent success. No author before John Drinkwater ever had the effrontery to impose such a theme on a London public."
My instinct was right and my reason was wrong. The play did succeed. It is still succeeding, and it will continue to succeed. Nobody can dine out in London to-day and admit without a blush that he has not seen Abraham Lincoln. Monarchs and princes have seen it. Archbishops have seen it. Statesmen without number have seen it. An ex-Lord Chancellor told me that he had journeyed out into the said wilds and was informed at the theatre that there were no seats left. He could not believe that he would have to return from the wilds unsatisfied. But so it fell out. West End managers have tried to coax the play from Hammersmith to the West End. They could not do it. We have contrived to make all London come to Hammersmith to see a play without a love-interest or a bedroom scene, and the play will remain at Hammersmith. Americans will more clearly realize what John Drinkwater has achieved with the London public if they imagine somebody putting on a play about the Crimean War at some unknown derelict theatre round about Two Hundred and Fiftieth Street, and drawing all New York to Two Hundred and Fiftieth Street. Abraham Lincolnhas pleased everybody, and its triumph is the best justification of those few who held that the public was capable of liking much better plays than were offered to the public. Why hasAbraham Lincolna few answers to the question: Because the author had a deep, practical Here are  succeeded? knowledge of the stage. Because he disdained all stage tricks. Because he had the wit to select for his hero one of the world's greatest and finest characters. Because he had the audacity to select a gigantic theme and to handle it with simplicity. Because he had the courage of all his artistic and moral convictions. And of course because he has a genuine dramatic gift. Finally, because William J. Rea plays Lincoln with the utmost nobility of emotional power. Every audience has the same experience atAbraham Lincoln, and I laugh privately when I think of that experience. The curtain goes up on a highly commonplace little parlour, and a few ordinary people chatting in a highly commonplace manner. They keep on chatting. The audience thinks to itself: "I've been done! What is this interminable small talk?" And it wants to call out a protest: "Hi! You fellows on the stage! Have you forgotten that there is an audience on the other side of the footlights, waiting for something to happen?" (Truly the ordinary people in the parlour do seem to be unaware of the existence of any audience.) But wait, audience! Already the author is winding his chains about you. Though you may not suspect it, you are already bound.... At the end of the first scene the audience, vaguely feeling the spell, wonders what on earth the nature of the spell is. At the end of the play it is perhaps still wondering what precisely the nature of the spell is.... But it fully and rapturously admits the reality of the spell. Indeed after the fall of the curtain, and after many falls of the curtain, the spell persists; the audience somehow cannot leave its seats, and the thought of the worry of the journey home and of last 'busses and trains is banished. Strange phenomenon! It occurs every night. ARNOLD BENNETT April 1919
Two Chroniclers:
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
The two speaking together: Kinsmen, you shall behold
Our stage, in mimic action, mould
A man's character.
This is the wonder, always, everywhere—
Not that vast mutability which is event,
The pits and pinnacles of change,
But man's desire and valiance that range
All circumstance, and come to port unspent.
Agents are these events, these ecstasies,
And tribulations, to prove the purities
Or poor oblivions that are our being. When
Beauty and peace possess us, they are none
But as they touch the beauty and peace of men,
Nor, when our days are done,
And the last utterance of doom must fall,
Is the doom anything
Memorable for its apparelling;
The bearing of man facing it is all.
So, kinsmen, we present
This for no loud event
That is but fugitive,
But that you may behold
Our mimic action mould
The spirit of man immortally to live.
First Chronicler: Once when a peril touched the days
Of freedom in our English ways,
And none renowned in government
Was equal found,
Came to the steadfast heart of one,
Who watched in lonely Huntingdon,
A summons, and he went,
And tyranny was bound,
And Cromwell was the lord of his event.
Second Chronicler: And in that land where voyaging
The pilgrim Mayflower came to rest,
Among the chosen, counselling,
Once, when bewilderment possessed
A people, none there was might draw
To fold the wandering thoughts of men,
And make as one the names again
Of liberty and law.
And then, from fifty fameless years
In quiet Illinois was sent
A word that still the Atlantic hears,
And Lincoln was the lord of his event.
The two speaking together:So the uncounted
 spirit wakes
To the birth
Of uncounted circumstance.
And time in a generation makes
Portents majestic a little story of earth
To be remembered by chance
At a fireside.
But the ardours that they bear,
The proud and invincible motions of
 character—
 These—these abide.
SCENE I. The parlour of Abraham Lincoln's House at Springfield, Illinois, early in 1860. MR. STONE,a farmer, andMR. CUFFNEY,a store-keeper, both men of between fifty and sixty, are sitting before an early spring fire. It is dusk, but the curtains are not drawn. The men are smoking silently. Mr. Stone (after a pause): Abraham. It's a good name for a man to bear, anyway. Mr. Cuffney: Yes. That's right. Mr. Stone (after another pause): Abraham Lincoln. I've known him forty years. Never crooked once. Well. He taps his pipe reflectively on the grate. There is another pause. SUSAN,a servant-maid, comes in, and busies herself lighting candles and drawing the curtains to. Susan: Mrs. Lincoln has just come in. She says she'll be here directly. Mr. Cuffney: Thank you. Mr. Stone: Mr. Lincoln isn't home yet, I dare say? Susan:No, Mr. Stone. He won't be long, with all the gentlemen coming. Mr. Stone:would you like your master to be President of the United States, Susan?How Susan:I'm sure he'd do it very nicely, sir. Mr. Cuffney:He would have to leave Springfield, Susan, and go to live in Washington. Susan:I dare say we should take to Washington very well, sir. Mr. Cuffney:Ah! I'm glad to hear that. Susan:Mrs. Lincoln's rather particular about the tobacco smoke. Mr. Stone:To be sure, yes, thank you, Susan. Susan:smoke, you know. And Mrs. Lincoln's specially particular about this room.The master doesn't Mr. Cuffney:Quite so. That's very considerate of you, Susan. They knock out their pipes. Susan:Though some people might not hold with a gentleman not doing as he'd a mind in his own house, as you might say. She goes out. Mr. Cuffney (after a further pause, stroking his pipe): I suppose there's no doubt about the message they'll bring?
Mr. Stone: No, that's settled right enough. It'll be an invitation. That's as sure as John Brown's dead. Mr. Cuffney: I could never make Abraham out rightly about old John. One couldn't stomach slaving more than the other, yet Abraham didn't hold with the old chap standing up against it with the sword. Bad philosophy, or something, he called it. Talked about fanatics who do nothing but get themselves at a rope's end. Mr. Stone: Abraham's all for the Constitution. He wants the Constitution to be an honest master. There's nothing he wants like that, and he'll stand for that, firm as a Samson of the spirit, if he goes to Washington. He'd give his life to persuade the state against slaving, but until it is persuaded and makes its laws against it, he'll have nothing to do with violence in the name of laws that aren't made. That's why old John's raiding affair stuck in his gullet. Mr. Cuffney:a few zealous like himself, and a handful of was a brave man, going like that, with  He niggers, to free thousands. Mr. Stone: He was. And those were brave words when they took him out to hang him. "I think, my friends, you are guilty of a great wrong against God and humanity. You may dispose of me very easily. I am nearly disposed of now. But this question is still to be settled—this negro question, I mean. The end of that is not yet." I was there that day. Stonewall Jackson was there. He turned away. There was a colonel there giving orders. When it was over, "So perish all foes of the human race," he called out. But only those that were afraid of losing their slaves believed it. Mr. Cuffney (after a pause): Itthing to hang a man like that. ... There's a song that they've was a bad made about him. He sings quietly.  John Brown's body lies a mould'ring in the grave,
 But his soul goes marching on...
Mr. Stone:I know. The two together (singing quietly): The stars of heaven are looking kindly down
 On the grave of old John Brown....
After a momentMRS. LINCOLNcomes in. The men rise. Mrs. Lincoln:Good-evening, Mr. Stone. Good-evening, Mr. Cuffney. Mr. Stone and Mr. Cuffney:Good-evening, ma'am. Mrs. Lincoln:Sit down, if you please. They all sit. Mr. Stone:This is a great evening for you, ma'am. Mrs. Lincoln:It is. Mr. Cuffney:What time do you expect the deputation, ma'am? Mrs. Lincoln: They should be here at seven o'clock.(With an inquisitive nose.) Abraham hasn't Surely, been smoking. Mr. Stone (rising):Shall I open the window, ma'am? It gets close of an evening.
Mrs. Lincoln:Naturally, in March. You may leave the window, Samuel Stone. We do not smoke in the parlour. Mr. Stone (resuming his seat):By no means, ma'am. Mrs. Lincoln:I shall be obliged to you. Mr. Cuffney:Has Abraham decided what he will say to the invitation? Mrs. Lincoln:He will accept it. Mr. Stone:very right decision, if I may say so.A Mrs. Lincoln:It is. Mr. Cuffney:have advised him that way, I'll be bound.And you, ma'am, Mrs. Lincoln:You said this was a great evening for me. It is, and I'll say more than I mostly do, because it is. I'm likely to go into history now with a great man. For I know better than any how great he is. I'm plain looking and I've a sharp tongue, and I've a mind that doesn't always go in his easy, high way. And that's what history will see, and it will laugh a little, and say, "Poor Abraham Lincoln." That's all right, but it's not all. I've always known when he should go forward, and when he should hold back. I've watched, and watched, and what I've learnt America will profit by. There are women like that, lots of them. But I'm lucky. My work's going farther than Illinois—it's going farther than any of us can tell. I made things easy for him to think and think when we were poor, and now his thinking has brought him to this. They wanted to make him Governor of Oregon, and he would have gone and have come to nothing there. I stopped him. Now they're coming to ask him to be President, and I've told him to go. Mr. Stonema'am, I should like to apologise for smoking in here.: If you please, Mrs. Lincoln: That's no matter, Samuel Stone. Only, don't do it again. Mr. Cuffneyto fill. Do you know how Seward takes Abraham's nomination: It's a great place for a man by the Republicans? Mrs. Lincoln: Seward is ambitious. He expected the nomination. Abraham will know how to use him. Mr. Stoneelection of the Republican choice a certainty, I: The split among the Democrats makes the suppose? Mrs. Lincoln: Abraham says so. Mr. Cuffney: You know, it's hard to believe. When I think of the times I've sat in this room of an evening, and seen your husband come in, ma'am, with his battered hat nigh falling off the back of his head, and stuffed with papers that won't go into his pockets, and god-darning some rascal who'd done him about an assignment or a trespass, I can't think he's going up there into the eyes of the world. Mrs. Lincoln: I've tried for years to make him buy a new hat. Mr. Cuffney: I have a very large selection just in from New York. Perhaps Abraham might allow me to offer him one for his departure. Mrs. Lincoln: He might. But he'll wear the old one. Mr. Stone: Slavery and the South. They're big things he'll have to deal with. "The end of that is not yet." That's what old John Brown said, "the end of that is not yet." ABRAHAM LINCOLNin, a greenish and crumpled top hat leaving his forehead wellcomes uncovered, his wide pockets brimming over with documents. He is fifty, and he still preserves his clean-shaven state. He kisses his wife and shakes hands with his friends. Lincoln:Well, Mary. How d'ye do, Samuel. How d'ye do, Timothy. Mr. Stone and Mr. Cuffney:Good-evening, Abraham.
Lincoln (while he takes of his hat and shakes out sundry papers from the lining into a drawer): John Brown, did you say? Aye, John Brown. But that's not the way it's to be done. And you can't do the right thing the wrong way. That's as bad as the wrong thing, if you're going to keep the state together. Mr. Cuffney:Well, we'll be going. We only came in to give you good-faring, so to say, in the great word you've got to speak this evening. Mr. Stone:to know his friend is to be one ofIt makes a humble body almost afraid of himself, Abraham, the great ones of the earth, with his yes and no law for these many, many thousands of folk. Lincoln:It makes a man humble to be chosen so, Samuel. So humble that no man but would say "No" to such bidding if he dare. To be President of this people, and trouble gathering everywhere in men's hearts. That's a searching thing. Bitterness, and scorn, and wrestling often with men I shall despise, and perhaps nothing truly done at the end. But I must go. Yes. Thank you, Samuel; thank you, Timothy. Just a glass of that cordial, Mary, before they leave. He goes to a cupboard. May the devil smudge that girl! Calling at the door. Susan! Susan Deddington! Where's that darnation cordial? Mrs. Lincoln:It's all right, Abraham. I told the girl to keep it out. The cupboard's choked with papers. Susan (coming in with bottle and glasses):I'm sure I'm sorry. I was told— Lincoln:All right, all right, Susan. Get along with you. Susan:Thank you, sir.She goes. Lincoln (pouring out drink):for whiskey-drinking rascals like yourselves. But the hospitality  Poor thought's good. Mr. Stone:Don't mention it, Abraham. Mr. Cuffney:We wish you well, Abraham. Our compliments, ma'am. And God bless America! Samuel, I give you the United States, and Abraham Lincoln. MR. CUFFNEYandMR. STONEdrink. Mrs. Lincoln:Thank you. Lincoln: Samuel, Timothy—I drink to the hope of honest friends. Mary, to friendship. I'll need that always, for I've a queer, anxious heart. And, God bless America! He andMRS. LINCOLNdrink. Mr. Stone:Well, good-night, Abraham. Goodnight, ma'am. Mr. Cuffney:Good-night, good-night. Mrs. Lincoln:Good-night, Mr. Stone. Good-night, Mr. Cuffney. Lincoln:Good-night, Timothy. And thank you for coming.Good-night, Samuel. MR. STONEandMR. CUFFNEYgo out. Mrs. Lincoln:You'd better see them in here. Lincoln:seven. You're sure about it, Mary?Good. Five minutes to Mrs. Lincoln:Yes. Aren't you? Lincoln:We mean to set bounds to slavery. The South will resist. They may try to break away from the
Union. That cannot be allowed. If the Union is set aside America will crumble. The saving of it may mean blood. Mrs. Lincoln:Who is to shape it all if you don't? Lincoln:There's nobody. I know it. Mrs. Lincoln:Then go. Lincoln:Go. Mrs. Lincoln (after a moment):This hat is a disgrace to you, Abraham. You pay no heed to what I say, and you think it doesn't matter. A man like you ought to think a little about gentility. Lincoln:To be sure. I forget. Mrs. Lincoln:You don't. You just don't heed. Samuel Stone's been smoking in here. Lincoln:He's a careless, poor fellow. Mrs. Lincoln:He is, and a fine example you set him. You don't care whether he makes my parlour smell poison or not. Lincoln:Of course I do— Mrs. Lincoln:You don't. Your head is too stuffed with things to think about my ways. I've got neighbours if you haven't. Lincoln:Well, now, your neighbours are mine, I suppose. Mrs. Lincoln:Then why won't you consider appearances a little? Lincoln:Certainly. I must. Mrs. Lincoln:Will you get a new hat? Lincoln:Yes, I must see about it. Mrs. Lincoln:When? Lincoln:In a day or two. Before long. Mrs. Lincoln:got a better temper than anybody will ever guess.Abraham, I've Lincoln:You have, my dear. And you need it, I confess. SUSANcomes in. Susan:The gentlemen have come. Mrs. Lincoln:I'll come to them. Susan:want a handkerchief, ma'am? He didn't take one this morning.Does the master Lincoln:It's no matter now, Susan. Susan:If you please, I've brought you one, sir. She gives it to him, and goes. Mrs. Lincoln:I'll send them in. Abraham, I believe in you. Lincoln:I know, I know. MRS. LINCOLNgoes out.LINCOLNmoves to a map of the United States that is hanging on the wall, and stands silently looking at it. After a few momentsSUSANcomes to the door. Susan:This way, please.
She shows in TUCKER, WILLIAMa florid, prosperous merchant; HENRY HIND,an alert little attorney; PRICE, ELIASa lean lay preacher; and JAMES MACINTOSH,the editor of a Republican journal.SUSANgoes. Tucker:Mr. Lincoln. Tucker my name is—William Tucker. He presents his companions. Mr. Henry Hind—follows your profession, Mr. Lincoln. Leader of the bar in Ohio. Mr. Elias Price, of Pennsylvania. You've heard him preach, maybe. James Macintosh you know. I come from Chicago. Lincoln:Gentlemen, at your service. How d'ye do, James. Will you be seated? They sit round the table. Tucker: I have the honour to be chairman of this delegation. We are sent from Chicago by the Republican Convention, to enquire whether you will accept their invitation to become the Republican candidate for the office of President of the United States. Price: The Convention is aware, Mr. Lincoln, that under the circumstances, seeing that the Democrats have split, this is more than an invitation to candidature. Their nominee is almost certain to be elected. Lincolnonly. Do you know my many disqualifications for this: Gentlemen, I am known to one of you work? Hind: It's only fair to say that they have been discussed freely. Lincoln: There are some, shall we say graces, that I lack. Washington does not altogether neglect these. Tucker: They have been spoken of. But these are days, Mr. Lincoln, if I may say so, too difficult, too dangerous, for these to weigh at the expense of other qualities that you were considered to possess. Lincoln: Seward and Hook have both had great experience. Macintoshstrong support. For Seward, there are doubts as to his discretion.: Hook had no Lincolnmoderation so far as it is honest. But I: Do not be under any misunderstanding, I beg you. I aim at am a very stubborn man, gentlemen. If the South insists upon the extension of slavery, and claims the right to secede, as you know it very well may do, and the decision lies with me, it will mean resistance, inexorable, with blood if needs be. I would have everybody's mind clear as to that. Price: It will be for you to decide, and we believe you to be an upright man, Mr. Lincoln. Lincoln: Seward and Hook would be difficult to carry as subordinates. Tuckercarried so, and there's none likelier for the job than you.: But they will have to be Lincoln: Will your Republican Press stand by me for a principle, James, whatever comes? Macintosh: There's no other man we would follow so readily. Lincoln: If you send me, the South will have little but derision for your choice. Hind: We believe that you'll last out their laughter. Lincolnby a ... somewhat odd figure that it pleased God: I can take any man's ridicule—I'm trained to it to give me, if I may so far be pleasant with you. But this slavery business will be long, and deep, and bitter. I know it. If you do me this honour, gentlemen, you must look to me for no compromise in this matter. If abolition comes in due time by constitutional means, good. I want it. But, while we will not force abolition, we will give slavery no approval, and we will not allow it to extend its boundaries by one yard. The determination is in my blood. When I was a boy I made a trip to New Orleans, and there I saw them, chained, beaten, kicked as a man would be ashamed to kick a thieving dog. And I saw a young girl driven up and down the room that the bidders might satisfy themselves. And I said then, "If ever I get a chance to hit that thing, I'll hit it hard."
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