A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - Volume 3, part 1: Andrew Jackson (Second Term)

James D. (James Daniel) Richardson

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• Publié le: 08 décembre 2010
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• Langue: English
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Title: A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents
Section 1 (of 2) of Volume 3: Andrew Jackson (Second Term)
Author: James D. Richardson
Release Date: February 21, 2004 [EBook #11202]
Language: English
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A COMPILATION OF THE MESSAGES AND
PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS
BY JAMES D. RICHARDSON
A REPRESENTATIVE FROM THE STATE OF TENNESSEEVOLUME III
PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS 1902

Copyright 1897
BY JAMES D. RICHARDSON




Prefatory Note
The second volume of this compilation, issued a few weeks since, was received with the same degree of
favor as the first volume. It was a matter of surprise that only sixteen years of our history, or eight
Congresses, could be comprised within the second volume, while the first covered twenty-eight years, or
fourteen Congresses. There is greater surprise that this volume includes only the period covered by the four
years of the second term of Andrew Jackson and the four years of Martin Van Buren's term—eight years in
all, or four Congresses. However, it will be found almost, if not quite, as interesting as the preceding ones. In
it will be found the conclusion of the controversy over the United States Bank, including President Jackson's
reasons for the removal of the deposits from that bank; his Farewell Address, and other important papers, all
of which are characteristic of the man. It was during the second Administration of President Jackson that the
act changing the ratio between the gold and silver dollar was passed.
This volume contains President Van Buren's message recommending the independent treasury or
subtreasury, and the discussion of that subject, which terminated in what has been termed "the divorce of the
bank and state in the fiscal affairs of the Federal Government," and which President Van Buren considered a
second Declaration of Independence. The controversy with Great Britain in relation to the northeastern
boundary of the United States is also included in Van Buren's Administration, and will prove highly
interesting.
The omission of indexes to Volumes I and II has been commented on. The answer to such comments is, it
was deemed best to omit the index to each volume and publish a general and comprehensive index to the
entire work, in a separate volume. This index will be ready for distribution soon after the issuance of the last
volume.
JAMES D. RICHARDSON.
NOVEMBER 26,1896.




Andrew Jackson
March 4, 1833, to March 4, 1837



SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
FELLOW-CITIZENS: The will of the American people, expressed through their unsolicited suffrages,
calls me before you to pass through the solemnities preparatory to taking upon myself the duties of President
of the United States for another term. For their approbation of my public conduct through a period which has
not been without its difficulties, and for this renewed expression of their confidence in my good intentions, I
am at a loss for terms adequate to the expression of my gratitude. It shall be displayed to the extent of my
humble abilities in continued efforts so to administer the Government as to preserve their liberty and promote
their happiness.
So many events have occurred within the last four years which have necessarily called forth—sometimes
under circumstances the most delicate and painful—my views of the principles and policy which ought to be
pursued by the General Government that I need on this occasion but allude to a few leading considerations
connected with some of them.
The foreign policy adopted by our Government soon after the formation of our present Constitution, and
very generally pursued by successive Administrations, has been crowned with almost complete success, and
has elevated our character among the nations of the earth. To do justice to all and to submit to wrong from
none has been during my Administration its governing maxim, and so happy have been its results that we
are not only at peace with all the world, but have few causes of controversy, and those of minor importance,
remaining unadjusted.
In the domestic policy of this Government there are two objects which especially deserve the attention of
the people and their representatives, and which have been and will continue to be the subjects of my
increasing solicitude. They are the preservation of the rights of the several States and the integrity of the
Union.
These great objects are necessarily connected, and can only be attained by an enlightened exercise of the
powers of each within its appropriate sphere in conformity with the public will constitutionally expressed.
To this end it becomes the duty of all to yield a ready and patriotic submission to the laws constitutionally
enacted, and thereby promote and strengthen a proper confidence in those institutions of the several States
and of the United States which the people themselves have ordained for their own government.
My experience in public concerns and the observation of a life somewhat advanced confirm the opinions
long since imbibed by me, that the destruction of our State governments or the annihilation of their control
over the local concerns of the people would lead directly to revolution and anarchy, and finally to despotism
and military domination. In proportion, therefore, as the General Government encroaches upon the rights of
the States, in the same proportion does it impair its own power and detract from its ability to fulfill the
purposes of its creation. Solemnly impressed with these considerations, my countrymen will ever find me
ready to exercise my constitutional powers in arresting measures which may directly or indirectly encroach
upon the rights of the States or tend to consolidate all political power in the General Government. But of
equal, and, indeed, of incalculable, importance is the union of these States, and the sacred duty of all to
contribute to its preservation by a liberal support of the General Government in the exercise of its just
powers. You have been wisely admonished to "accustom yourselves to think and speak of the Union as of
the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety,
discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and
indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of any attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the
rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts." Without union our
independence and liberty would never have been achieved; without union they never can be maintained.
Divided into twenty-four, or even a smaller number, of separate communities, we shall see our internal trade
burdened with numberless restraints and exactions; communication between distant points and sections
obstructed or cut off; our sons made soldiers to deluge with blood the fields they now till in peace; the mass
of our people borne down and impoverished by taxes to support armies and navies, and military leaders at
the head of their victorious legions becoming our lawgivers and judges. The loss of liberty, of all goodgovernment, of peace, plenty, and happiness, must inevitably follow a dissolution of the Union. In
supporting it, therefore, we support all that is dear to the freeman and the philanthropist.
The time at which I stand before you is full of interest. The eyes of all nations are fixed on our Republic.
The event of the existing crisis will be decisive in the opinion of mankind of the practicability of our federal
system of government. Great is the stake placed in our hands; great is the responsibility which must rest
upon the people of the United States. Let us realize the importance of the attitude in which we stand before
the world. Let us exercise forbearance and firmness. Let us extricate our country from the dangers which
surround it and learn wisdom from the lessons they inculcate.
Deeply impressed with the truth of these observations, and under the obligation of that solemn oath which
I am about to take, I shall continue to exert all my faculties to maintain the just powers of the Constitution
and to transmit unimpaired to posterity the blessings of our Federal Union. At the same time, it will be my
aim to inculcate by my official acts the necessity of exercising by the General Government those powers
only that are clearly delegated; to encourage simplicity and economy in the expenditures of the Government;
to raise no more money from the people than may be requisite for these objects, and in a manner that will
best promote the interests of all classes of the community and of all portions of the Union. Constantly
bearing in mind that in entering into society "individuals must give up a share of liberty to preserve