Le Japon, contrée du Penglai? - Note sur le mercure - article ; n°1 ; vol.8, pg 439-452

Charlotte Vonverschuer

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Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie - Année 1995 - Volume 8 - Numéro 1 - Pages 439-452
Is Japan a paradise inhabited by Taoist immortals originally coming from China? It seems that the materiality of the prestigious commerce of Japanese mercury during the Tang and the Song influenced Chinese imagination, as shown in literary documents eulogizing Japan as the fortunate islands of the Penglai and of the Fusang. The assimilation of Japan to Penglai may be deconstructed through several ways. Two of them are presented here.
A connection of Japan with Penglai appears in the legend of Xu Fu, presented as a Taoist magician (proto-alchemist?), sent by Qin Shi Huangdi to the Eastern Ocean in search of immortality drugs. After this legend became known in Japan, numerous seaside places, all over Honshū and Kyūshū, have been related to Xu Fu and a few mountains have been called Penglai (Hōraisan), with Fusang (Fuse) becoming a designation for Japan. A recent topographical discovery in Shandong leads historians of Chinese-Japanese relations to look with fresh eyes on an eventual historical character of the Xu Fu legend.
A second connection is the prestige of Japanese mercury, in high demand in China, especially for alchemy. Many places in Japan have produced mercury in its grilled cinnabar (shusa) form or in its more refined liquid (suigin) form. Its cost was comparatively low (less than shironamari and much less than gold and silver), its quality was better than mercury produced in China and its quantity was comparatively abundant as it was less in demand in Japan than in China. Japanese pharmacopeia, although referring to the elixir of gold and mercury (kin'ekitan), used mostly herbal and vegetal medicine, leaving mercury to a luxurious use: the gilding of artifacts for palaces or monasteries. The most notorious case is the gilding (752) and re-gilding (1189) of the Great Buddha of Nara. The Japanese could thus keep much of their mercury for their international relations: commerce, exchanges or gifts. The Heian court sent as much as 80 kgs of mercury to the Song court after the reception in 1073 of a message from Emperor Shenzong sent through the offices of the monk Jōjin. The Tang and Song periods were the golden age of alchemy. In that context of seeking immortality, the fascination exerted by the pure mercury of Japan must have played a role in the assimilation by the Chinese of Japan to Penglai. The Japanese themselves, Abe no Nakamaro, in the mid-eighth century, to whom Chinese poems referring to Penglai were dedicated, and a Japanese emissary reaching Fuzhou in 804 must have been rather pleased by that assimilation. The emissary seems even to have been eager to encourage it.
14 pages
Source : Persée ; Ministère de la jeunesse, de l’éducation nationale et de la recherche, Direction de l’enseignement supérieur, Sous-direction des bibliothèques et de la documentation.

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• Publié par: CAHIERS_D-EXTREME-ASIE
• Publié le: 01 janvier 1995
• Nombre de lectures: 42
• Langue: Français
• Poids de l'ouvrage: 1 Mo

Extrait

Charlotte Von Verschuer
Le Japon, contrée du Penglai? - Note sur le mercure
In: Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie, Vol. 8, 1995. pp. 439-452.
Citer ce document / Cite this document :
Von Verschuer Charlotte. Le Japon, contrée du Penglai? - Note sur le mercure. In: Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie, Vol. 8, 1995. pp.
439-452.
doi : 10.3406/asie.1995.1105
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/asie_0766-1177_1995_num_8_1_1105Abstract
Is Japan a paradise inhabited by Taoist immortals originally coming from China? It seems that the
materiality of the prestigious commerce of Japanese mercury during the Tang and the Song influenced
Chinese imagination, as shown in literary documents eulogizing Japan as the fortunate islands of the
Penglai and of the Fusang. The assimilation of Japan to Penglai may be "deconstructed" through
several ways. Two of them are presented here.
A connection of Japan with Penglai appears in the legend of Xu Fu, presented as a "Taoist magician"
(proto-alchemist?), sent by Qin Shi Huangdi to the Eastern Ocean in search of immortality drugs. After
this legend became known in Japan, numerous seaside places, all over Honshū and Kyūshū, have
been related to Xu Fu and a few mountains have been called Penglai (Hōraisan), with Fusang (Fuse)
becoming a designation for Japan. A recent topographical discovery in Shandong leads historians of
Chinese-Japanese relations to look with fresh eyes on an eventual historical character of the Xu Fu
legend.
A second connection is the prestige of Japanese mercury, in high demand in China, especially for
alchemy. Many places in Japan have produced mercury in its grilled cinnabar (shusa) form or in its
more refined liquid (suigin) form. Its cost was comparatively low (less than shironamari and much less
than gold and silver), its quality was better than mercury produced in China and its quantity was
comparatively abundant as it was less in demand in Japan than in China. Japanese pharmacopeia,
although referring to the "elixir of gold and mercury" (kin'ekitan), used mostly herbal and vegetal
medicine, leaving mercury to a "luxurious" use: the gilding of artifacts for palaces or monasteries. The
most notorious case is the gilding (752) and re-gilding (1189) of the Great Buddha of Nara. The
Japanese could thus keep much of their mercury for their international relations: commerce, exchanges
or gifts. The Heian court sent as much as 80 kgs of mercury to the Song court after the reception in
1073 of a message from Emperor Shenzong sent through the offices of the monk Jōjin. The Tang and
Song periods were the golden age of alchemy. In that context of seeking immortality, the fascination
exerted by the pure mercury of Japan must have played a role in the assimilation by the Chinese of
Japan to Penglai. The Japanese themselves, Abe no Nakamaro, in the mid-eighth century, to whom
Chinese poems referring to Penglai were dedicated, and a Japanese emissary reaching Fuzhou in 804
must have been rather pleased by that assimilation. The emissary seems even to have been eager to
encourage it.LE JAPON, CONTREE DU PENGLAI ?
- NOTE SUR LE MERCURE -
Charlotte von VERSCHUER
Is Japan a paradise inhabited by Taoist immortals
originally coming from China? It seems that the materiality of
the prestigious commerce of Japanese mercury during the
Tang and the Song influenced Chinese imagination, as shown
in literary documents eulogizing Japan as the fortunate
islands of the Penglai and of the Fusang. The assimilation of
Japan to Penglai may be "deconstructed" through several
ways. Two of them are presented here.
A connection of Japan with Penglai appears in the legend
of Xu Fu, presented as a "Taoist magician" (proto-
alchemist?), sent by Qin Shi Huangdi to the Eastern Ocean in
search of immortality drugs. After this legend became known
in Japan, numerous seaside places, all over Honshu and
Kyushu, have been related to Xu Fu and a few mountains
have been called Penglai (Hôraisan), with Fusang (Fuse)
becoming a designation for Japan. A recent topographical
discovery in Shandong leads historians of Chinese-Japanese
relations to look with fresh eyes on an eventual historical
character of the Xu Fu legend.
A second connection is the prestige of Japanese mercury,
in high demand in China, especially for alchemy. Many
places in Japan have produced mercury in its grilled
cinnabar (shusa) form or in its more refined liquid (suigin)
form. Its cost was comparatively low (less than shironamari
and much less than gold and silver), its quality was better
than mercury produced in China and its quantity was
comparatively abundant as it was less in demand in Japan
than in China. Japanese pharmacopeia, although referring to
the "elixir of gold and mercury" (kin'ekitan), used mostly
herbal and vegetal medicine, leaving mercury to a
"luxurious " use: the gilding of artifacts for palaces or
monasteries. The most notorious case is the gilding (752) and
re-gilding (1189) of the Great Buddha ofNara. The Japanese
could thus keep much of their mercury for their international
relations: commerce, exchanges or gifts. The Heian court sent
as much as 80 kgs of mercury to the Song court after the
reception in 1073 of a message from Emperor Shenzong sent
through the offices of the monk Jdjin.
Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie 8 : 439-452. :
440 Charlotte von Verschuer
The Tang and Song periods were the golden age of
alchemy. In that context of seeking immortality, the fascination
exerted by the pure mercury of Japan must have played a role
in the assimilation by the Chinese of Japan to Penglai. The
Japanese themselves, Abe no Nakamaro, in the mid-eighth
century, to whom Chinese poems referring to Penglai were
dedicated, and a Japanese emissary reaching Fuzhou in 804
must have been rather pleased by that assimilation. The
emissary seems even to have been eager to encourage it.
"Ces temps-ci les sabres précieux viennent du Japon. Les commerçants de
Yue fél les obtiennent à l'est de l'océan... L'on entend dire que ce pays est
situé dans une grande île, au sol fertile et aux coutumes civilisées. Jadis Xu
Fu I^^M trompa le peuple des Qin |t. (Parti au loin) à la quête du remède
(qui rend immortel), il demeura (dans cette île) et les enfants (de sa suite),
coiffés de leur toque, ont fini par vieillir. Ainsi les cent artisans s'y sont
installés et les cinq grains y ont poussé."1
Ce poème intitulé "Les sabres du Japon", dû au pinceau d'Ouyang Xiu
ou de Sima Guang ïï\%jt (XIe siècle), fait allusion à la célèbre légende de Xu Fu.
Selon le Shiji !£I2, les deux Livres des Han iH# et le "Traité du sel et du fer"
(Yantielun i^km), le magicien taoïste a été envoyé par l'empereur Shi Huangdi £p
Miff des Qin H (r. 246-210 av. J.C.) dans l'île de Penglai ïî^, habitée par les
immortels et située à l'est de l'océan, afin d'y chercher le remède qui empêche de
mourir ifusi zhi yao ^^E<2.^), mais il n'en est jamais revenu.2 Or, l'auteur du
poème identifie, au XIe siècle, la contrée des immortels avec le Japon. Nous allons
présenter dans cet article quelques matériaux qui placent la légende dans le contexte
des relations sino-japonaises à l'époque des Tang et des Song.3
1 Extrait du poème Riben dao ge H^TJtfc, qui est inclus dans les deux recueils Ouyang
wenzhong gong ji $X$k^Cfë/iïM fasc. 54 et Sima wengong wenji ïïlMïnLÊ^CM; voir notre
traduction ds. VERSCHUER, Le commerce extérieur du Japon des origines au XVIe siècle,
Paris, Maisonneuve et Larose, 1988, pp. 72-73.
2 Nous avons résumé les versions des ouvrages suivants Shiji fasc. 6, Qin Shi Huangdi
années 28, 32, 35 et 37; cf. Joseph NEEDHAM, Science and Civilisation in China V(3), p. 17,
18, et Edouard CHAVANNES, Les Mémoires Historiques de Se-Ma Ts'ien, Paris 1895-1905, t.
II, p. 152, 167, 176, 180-181; Shiji fasc. 12, cf. NEEDHAM V(3), pp. 29-33, CHAVANNES III,
pp. 463-493; Shiji fasc. 28, cf. NEEDHAM II, p. 240, CHAVANNES II, p. 152, III, p. 437;
Shiji fasc. 118, Huainan Heng shan liezhuan fêSflfllj^iJfë 58; Han shu fasc. 25b, Jiaosi zhi
^ISJjiE^ et fasc. 45, Wu Bei zhuan ffiftfS; Hou Han shu fâJHIr fasc. 115, Dong yi zhuan MM
(S Wo fê; Yantielun, par Huan Kuan WM, vers 80 à 50 av. J.C, cf. NEEDHAM V(3), p. 34,
35. Voir aussi YAMAMOTO Noritsuna Uj^M, Jofuku tarai densetsu-kô f^iJfC^fSI^,
Tokyo, Kenkôsha itfttt, 1975, pp. 168-178; PENG Shuangsong %W&, Xu Fu yanjiu,
Miaoli œ %, Taiwan 1984. Le Japon, contrée du Penglai ? 44 1
Les spécialistes ont émis diverses interprétations relatives à cette légende,
considérée comme typique des débuts de l'alchimie en Chine, et certains, jusqu'à date
récente, ont mis en question la réalité du personnage Xu Fu. En 1982, lors d'un
recensement des topon