Mote in Brussels' Eye

Ashley Mote

Description

A full, frank and controversial account of five years fighting the EU from within the castle walls. The first ever blow-by-blow memoirs of a British MEP.Sensational new evidence wrung out of the EU reveals, claims the author, industrial-scale institutionalised looting of British taxpayers' money; indisputable evidence of endemic EU corruption and fraud; huge hidden cash piles as the EU demands more; uncontrolled migration across EU's eastern borders totally ignored. Illegal seizure of power and control from nation states; dilution of national identities by mass migration and imported criminality; secret committees endlessly planning new EU 'law'; refusals by the Serious Fraud Office and Scotland Yard to examine unequivocal evidence of illegal payments to Brussels; EU officials deliberately misleading the House of Lords; millions in soft loans to the BBC to buy editorial support; and the European Central Bank authorising a flood of new 500-euro banknotes, used mainly by drug barons for money laundering. There is also author's full story of the UK/EU's connivance to throw him out of the European Parliament. It failed, but cost the British taxpayer over million: "Brussels was no gravy train. This was politics with a passion. This was kill or be killed - and I almost was. I was also a known guerrilla inside the gates of the citadel. That's what truly frightened them."

Informations

• Publié par: eBook Versions
• Date de parution: 21 janvier 2013
• Nombre de lectures: 0
• EAN13: 9780956512321
• Langue: English

Extrait

A MOTE
IN BRUSSELS
EYE


Ashley Mote





JT ASSOCIATES
Published by
JT Associates

Copyright © 2012 Ashley Mote

Author s website
www.ashleymote.co.uk

Ashley Mote has asserted his
right under the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act 1988 to be identified
as the author of this work.

ISBN-13 978-0-9565123-2-1

A CIP catalogue record for
this ebook edition is available
from the British Library.

ePub edition production
www.ebookversions.com

All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be
reproduced, stored in or
introduced into a retrieval system
or transmitted in any form
or by any means electronic,
photomechanical, photocopying,
recording or otherwise without
the prior written permission
of the publisher. Any person who
does any unauthorised act in
relation to this publication may be
liable to criminal prosecution
Contents


Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright Credits
Introduction

Chapter One
How It All Started - And Immediately Went Wrong
Chapter Two
Trouble From All Directions (June - July 2004)
Chapter Three
Getting Stuck In (July - August 2004)
Chapter Four
Serious Battles Develop (August - September 2004)
Chapter Five
Cranking Up The Pressures (September 2004)
Chapter Six
Off to the Serious Fraud Office (September - December 2004)
Chapter Seven
Fights in All Directions (January - February 2005)
Chapter Eight
Challenging Travels in Europe (February - March 2005)
Chapter Nine
More Pressure on the EU (April - June 2005)
Chapter Ten
Court Case Dominates Time and Attention (June - July 2005)
Chapter Eleven
A Festering Dustbin of Corruption (July - October 2005)
Chapter Twelve
Frustration (October - December 2005)
Chapter Thirteen
Win Some - Lose Some (January - April 2006)
Chapter Fourteen
To the House of Lords (April - July 2006)
Chapter Fifteen
Questions, Questions . . . (August - December 2006)
Chapter Sixteen
Rule of Law Unenforceable (January - Easter 2007)
Chapter Seventeen
A Travelling Man (April - July 2007)
Chapter Eighteen
Trial and Tribulations (August - December 2007 and beyond)
Chapter Nineteen
Business as Usual (January - Easter 2008)
Chapter Twenty
Rare Good News Amongst Bad (Easter - May 2008)
Chapter Twenty-One
Juggling Pressures and Priorities (June - July 2008)
Chapter Twenty-Two
More Travel and Bitter Arguments (September - December 2008)
Chapter Twenty-Three
The Beginning of the End (January - March 2009)
Chapter Twenty-Four
The End (April 2009 onwards)

APPENDICES

Appendix 1
EU s Proposed New Accounting System
Appendix 2
Speeches at Public Meetings
Appendix 3
Expert View of the EU s Court of Auditors
Appendix 4
Beware the Hidden Power of Regional Government
Appendix 5
EU s Money Management - or Lack of It
Appendix 6
Equitable Life Committee of Enquiry
Appendix 7
House of Lords Enquiry into EU Accounts
Appendix 8
Exchanges with the BBC
Appendix 9
British Government Accused of Malfeasance
Appendix 10
Problems with EU Financial Management
Appendix 11
Exchanges with OLAF, 2008
Appendix 12
European Parliament s Contact Group with Northern Cyprus
Introduction


For the five years between mid-2004 and mid-2009 I sat in the European Parliament as one of ten members elected to represent the south-east of England. Altogether there were nearly 800 of us.
During that time I had a grandstand seat at a spectacle which insults the word democracy .
Occasionally I even took part in what was essentially an elaborate, extravagant charade, designed to give the illusion of democratic accountability. In truth it was nothing of the sort.
Years before my election a lawyer friend of mine had experienced the Brussels bureaucratic machine at first hand. He described it as beyond redemption . He was right. I thought so then, and the next five years did nothing to change my opinion. If anything, my views were amply reinforced.
We Brits should leave the Europeans to govern themselves in this way if that is truly what they want. But it is not for us. Their way of doing things is not ours. Our two mind-sets and legal systems are endlessly in collision. Furthermore, our constitution specifically forbids our allowing foreigners to exercise power in the UK - a fundamental breach of the rule of law acquiesced by successive British governments for the last 40 years.
So it was on that contradictory premise that I allowed myself to stand for election to the European Parliament. And when I got there it was to find only that the European Parliament was no more than a fig-leaf. Its purpose was - and is - to delude the millions of people who live in EU countries into thinking that their best interests are looked after by the people they elected.
The European Parliament is not a real parliament at all. It cannot initiate legislation and it cannot repeal legislation. It has no power to set or control the budget. At best it can comment on, and make amending proposals about, the decisions and proposals presented to it by the unelected European Commission - where the real power lies.
In theory the European Parliament can block the appointment of the Commission itself. But that has happened only once in 50 years, although there have been a few individual casualties along the way.
It can also, in theory, block legislation proposed by the Commission. But that happened only once during my five years. Even then, the Commission s response typified their innate cynicism for the EU s feeble version of democracy. They let it be known that we ll just wait until you ve gone. Then we ll re-introduce the legislation and get it agreed by the next lot.

Of course this domineering and cavalier attitude towards the UK from continental Europe is long-standing. The Romans, Charlemagne, Pope Clement V, Napoleon, Hitler they all tried to gain and then exercise power over the Brits. The EU is merely the latest in a long line of potential tyrants.
Curiously, the parallels between the EU and the activities of Pope Clement V at the start of the fourteenth century are instructive. He attempted to enforce his decisions on King Edward II of England over accusations of heresy, devil worship and sodomy against the Knights of the Temple, following their latest disastrous crusade to the Holy Land. They were to be stripped of their assets and condemned.
Aided and abetted by King Philip IV of France, who was essentially seeking to plunder the Templars assets, an increasingly angry and frustrated Pope Clement V finally lost patience and instructed the English King to enforce the Pope s decision not to allow the Templars to mount a defence. Claiming the paramount sovereignty established by his predecessors over the whole world, the Pope had already decided on the Templars guilt. Anyone (by implication the King himself) who tried to protect them was just as guilty as they were.
Can we detect embryonic Napoleonic and EU law here, 500 years before the Corsican came to power in France and 650 before the Treaty of Rome? If so, we can also detect the early use of Magna Carta, signed a hundred years before by King John, to protect all Englishmen? King Edward II insisted that the Templars were entitled to a proper trial before a jury. His view prevailed, although it did little for the few surviving Templars in England. At the time, these were events of the highest drama and significance, so much so that they left distant echoes about devil worship in the top echelons of Freemasonry which can still be heard today.
One of the most robust stands taken by the Templars whilst this battle of wills continued was their dire warnings to the Pope and to both Kings of the dangers to Europe from the Muslims. Despite the terrible accusations and the threat to themselves from within Christianity, the Templars knew the dangers of Islam better than anyone, rulers or peasants alike, who had never been near the Holy Land. The Templars understood from direct experience that Islam was predicated on conversion through conquest.
Now, some 700 years later, those same arguments between British and Europeans about the rule of law, the freedoms and rights of free-born men, and the threat to our culture and way of life from mass Islamic immigration are still going on. Yes, the specifics are somewhat different. But we still face the same fundamental disagreements. It seems nothing much has changed. We Brits remain locked in the same battle with Europe, despite our having twice in recent memory rescued Europeans from themselves.

Throughout my time in Brussels, and for several months before the election of 2004, I kept a daily diary of events, and recorded my observations and thoughts at the time. So what follows is based almost entirely on my own contemporaneous notes.
Here I must pay tribute to the thoroughly professional and committed team of aides who supported me throughout my five years. They included three international constitutional lawyers, forensic and financial accountants, and many political researchers and analysts. They made a formidable team.
I was also reinforced by several gutsy individuals from within the European Commission and its myriad of institutions who chose to make themselves known to me, and who provided priceless information on many occasions. They in particular, and they know who they are, were called on to find courage beyond the call of duty in choosing to assist me. Many of them took great risks with their own careers. Each had witnessed the corruption and mischief within the EU at first hand and been horrified by it. Most of them felt the whole system needed cleansing from top to bottom and they were optimistic enough to think that I might be part of the means to that end. If only
My team at times included people from France, Germany, Denmark, the Netherlands, the Czech Republic, Greece, Belgium, Italy, the Baltic states and the UK. To that extent we proved that nationals fr