Summary of Theodore W. Allen s The Invention of the White Race, Volume 1
41 pages
English

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41 pages
English

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Description

Please note: This is a companion version & not the original book.
Sample Book Insights:
#1 The term racial is used to describe a pattern of oppression of one group of people by another. It is not an automatic promotion to oppressor, and historically, racial dissimilarities have not only been artificially used, they are themselves artificial.
#2 By considering racial oppression in terms of the substantive, the operative element, namely oppression, it is possible to avoid the contradictions and absurdities that result from attempts to splice genetics and sociology.
#3 The attitude and behavior of Anglo-Americans towards African-Americans and American Indians is clearly racial oppression, but when racial oppression is defined in terms of its operational principles, the exclusion of the Irish case becomes clear.
#4 The analogy between the English and Spanish treatment of the Irish and the American Indians and Africans was made by historians such as W. K. Sullivan, who compared the social role of the non-gentry Protestants in Ireland and the poor whites in America.

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Publié par
Date de parution 11 mai 2022
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9798822505476
Langue English
Poids de l'ouvrage 1 Mo

Informations légales : prix de location à la page 0,0150€. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

Extrait

Insights on Theodore W. Allen's The Invention of the White Race, Volume 1
Contents Insights from Chapter 1 Insights from Chapter 2 Insights from Chapter 3 Insights from Chapter 4 Insights from Chapter 5 Insights from Chapter 6 Insights from Chapter 7 Insights from Chapter 8 Insights from Chapter 9
Insights from Chapter 1



#1

The term racial is used to describe a pattern of oppression of one group of people by another. It is not an automatic promotion to oppressor, and historically, racial dissimilarities have not only been artificially used, they are themselves artificial.

#2

By considering racial oppression in terms of the substantive, the operative element, namely oppression, it is possible to avoid the contradictions and absurdities that result from attempts to splice genetics and sociology.

#3

The attitude and behavior of Anglo-Americans towards African-Americans and American Indians is clearly racial oppression, but when racial oppression is defined in terms of its operational principles, the exclusion of the Irish case becomes clear.

#4

The analogy between the English and Spanish treatment of the Irish and the American Indians and Africans was made by historians such as W. K. Sullivan, who compared the social role of the non-gentry Protestants in Ireland and the poor whites in America.

#5

There are many parallels between the white-supremacist oppression of African Americans and the Irish immigrant experience in America. The Irish were classified as savages by the English, but this did not involve a racial concept in the modern sense.

#6

The English, who were the first to colonize Ireland, treated the Irish as a sub-human species, and their resistance to being conquered and exploited was seen as an inability to civilization.

#7

The American system of racial oppression is based on the subordination of the servile class to every free white person, and it has been this way since the founding of the country.

#8

The Cherokee delegation that went to Washington in 1831 to appeal to President Andrew Jackson to halt the treaty-breaking Indian Removal policy was met with rebuff. The independent tribal rights of the Indians were challenged by United States frontier aggression.

#9

The Irish were asking to be admitted into English law, but the Anglo-Norman magnates of Ireland refused to give their assent. The Irish were being asked to abandon their racial status as free men, just like the African Americans and American Indians.

#10

The colonizing power, in each of these historical instances, attempts to institute a system of rule that is distinct from the previous system of rule of the people it subjugates. The members of the subjugated group are stripped of their tribal and kinship identity, and are allowed only one social tie: that which attaches them unilaterally to the colonizing power.

#11

The first Europeans to arrive in Africa were traders and raiders, not colonists. The indigenous people were too strong to allow the Europeans any other course.

#12

The American assault on Indian tribes was anticipated by the half century, with the Georgia state legislature nullifying Indian tribal laws in 1830. The Dawes Act of 1887 was the legislative culmination of that assault, and its purpose and rationale were articulated with drumfire consistency.

#13

In the era of Haymarket and the robber barons, the destruction of tribal relations was polemically associated with the threat of socialism and communism.

#14

The conflict between colonizing powers and African and American Indian societies is well-known, but the conflict between Irish tribal society and Anglo-Norman invasion in 1169 is less so. The Irish had a highly developed class differentiation, which originated in the differential disposition of spoils from inter-tribal raids and wars.

#15

The Irish tribe was based on the derbfine, which was a collection of land owned by the tribe as a whole. The tribal lands were distributed among the members of the tribe according to their status. The majority of the land was common land, open for use by all members of the tribe.

#16

The difference between the English economy, which was based on land cultivation, and the Irish economy, which was based on cattle-herding, produced a corresponding variation in the manner of holding and distributing land. Herds vary in extent within very elastic limits, while land is a limited, specific, and fixed portion of the earth’s surface.

#17

In Gaelic Ireland, land was not owned by individuals in the same sense that it was in England. It was held by the political rather than the economic order of ideas. The colonizers coming from England believed that they were acquiring a complete and perpetual ownership of the land from the zenith to the uttermost depths, which they imagined to be self-existing even when the person in whom it should be vested was unknown or unascertained.

#18

The feudal order that the Anglo-Normans brought to Ireland was based on the principle that every rood of ground was privately owned, and that great lords let out their lands to lesser lords, and ultimately to the laboring people.

#19

The English and Irish laws of inheritance are at the root of a contradictory situation. In England, children of wealthy fathers were hostages to their inheritances, while in Ireland, they were cared for with such affection that the foster family ties became as close as those within their own families.

#20

The English saw the differences between the Celtic Irish and English social orders as a fundamental barrier to colonization. The need for English colonialism to destroy Irish tribal forms and ways was explained by Sir John Davies in his book A Discovery of the True Causes why Ireland was never entirely Subdued.

#21

The first fifty years of the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland was spent trying to impose feudal power on the Gaelic Irish, but the English government under three successive kings held to the policy of assimilating Gaelic Irish local government to the system prevailing in England.

#22

The change in policy was brought on by the death of the English king, John, in 1216, followed by the installation of the Anglo-Norman triumvirate in charge of Irish affairs. They became impatient with the slow-moving policy of converting the Irish to European ways.

#23

The term negro in Anglo-American law meant slave, except when explicitly modified by the word free. The term hibernicus in English law meant unfree. The testimony of even free African-Americans was inadmissible in Anglo-Norman courts.

#24

The Anglo-Norman era saw the enfranchisement of a minor proportion of the Irish, who were allowed to participate in English law courts. However, this enfranchisement was short-lived, and the majority of the free Irish remained outside its protection.

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