Oil has played a major role in Venezuela's economy since the first gusher was discovered along Lake Maracaibo in 1922. As Miguel Tinker Salas demonstrates, oil has also transformed the country's social, cultural, and political landscapes. In The Enduring Legacy, Tinker Salas traces the history of the oil industry's rise in Venezuela from the beginning of the twentieth century, paying particular attention to the experiences and perceptions of industry employees, both foreign and Venezuelan. He reveals how class ambitions and corporate interests combined to reshape many Venezuelans' ideas of citizenship. Middle-class Venezuelans embraced the oil industry from the start, anticipating that it would transform the country by introducing modern technology, sparking economic development, and breaking the landed elites' stranglehold. Eventually Venezuelan employees of the industry found that their benefits, including relatively high salaries, fueled loyalty to the oil companies. That loyalty sometimes trumped allegiance to the nation-state.North American and British petroleum companies, seeking to maintain their stakes in Venezuela, promoted the idea that their interests were synonymous with national development. They set up oil camps-residential communities to house their workers-that brought Venezuelan employees together with workers from the United States and Britain, and eventually with Chinese, West Indian, and Mexican migrants as well. Through the camps, the companies offered not just housing but also schooling, leisure activities, and acculturation into a structured, corporate way of life. Tinker Salas contends that these practices shaped the heart and soul of generations of Venezuelans whom the industry provided with access to a middle-class lifestyle. His interest in how oil suffused the consciousness of Venezuela is personal: Tinker Salas was born and raised in one of its oil camps.
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Extrait
The Enduring Legacy
AMERICAN ENCOUNTERS/GLOBAL INTERACTIONS A series edited by Gilbert M. Josep and Emily S. Rosenberg
his series aims to stimulate critical perspectives and fres interpretive frameworks for scolarsip on te istory of te imposing global presence of te United States. Its primary concerns include te deployment and contestation of power, te construction and deconstruction of cultural and politi-cal borders, te fluid meanings of intercultural encounters, and te complex interplay between te global and te local. American Encounters seeks to strengten dialogue and col-laboration between istorians of U.S. international relations and area studies specialists. he series encourages scolarsip based on multiarcival istorical researc. At te same time, it supports a recogni-tion of te representational caracter of all stories about te past and promotes critical inquiry into issues of subjectivity and narrative. In te process, American Encounters strives to understand te context in wic meanings related to nations, cultures, and political economy are continually produced, callenged, and resaped.
Printed in te United States of America on acid-free paperb
Designed by Heater Hensley
Typeset in Adobe Caslon by Acorn International, Inc.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data appear on te last printed page of tis book.
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Contents
Preface
I N T R O D U C T I O N Oil, Culture, and Society
C H A P T E R 1 A Tropical Mediterranean: Lake Maracaibo at te Turn of te Century
C H A P T E R 2 he Searc for Black Gold
C H A P T E R 3 La Ruta Petrolera: Learning to Live wit Oil
C H A P T E R 4 Oil, Race, Labor, and Nationalism
C H A P T E R 5 Our Tropical Outpost: Gender and te Senior Staff Camps
C H A P T E R 6 he Oil Industry and Civil Society
C H A P T E R 7Oil and Politics: An Enduring Relation
C O N C L U S I O N An Enduring Legacy
Notes
Bibliograpy
Index
Preface
espite its profound importance in Venezuelan society, the D rich tapestry of social and cultural relations engendered by the oil industry has not been the subject ofsignificant scolarly at-tention. Existing scolarsip on Venezuelan oil tends to be divided between studies tat take a traditional approac to production and economics and nationalistic studies, bot of wic largely ignore 1 te lived experiences of employees and workers. he literature typically fails to sow ow te evolution of te foreign-controlled enterprises resaped te lives of tose employed by tem and ow oil influenced te social and political environment. he andful of works tat do mention life in te oilfields range from romanticized celebrations of te “best days of our lives” to condemnations of te experience as te agent of a new “colonizing” order. Also com-mon are portrayals of te oil industry as “agents of modernization” tat introduced advanced western social practices to a backward 2 population. None of tese approaces adequately captures te complexity of te residential compounds were workers lived or te lasting impact of te oil industry on te nation. In a country in wic te majority of te population was rural and depended on agriculture for subsistence, oil production fundamentally altered te sociocultural landscape. As in oter parts of Latin America, te economic activities of foreign enterprises often produced unexpected social, cultural, and racial outcomes.he construction of te Panama Canal in te early decades of te twentiet century spurred te migration of tou-3 sands of Afro-Caribbean people to te istmus. he expansion of
copper mines in Sonora, Mexico, stimulatedsignificant national and inter-4 national migration to te area. he labor policies of te United Fruit Com-5 pany in Cuba, Costa Rica, and Honduras produced similar results. In eac instance laborers found tat corporate and political interests sougt to ex-pand te labor pool, reduce wages, and exploit racial and social distinctions. In Venezuela te oil industry attracted Cinese, West Indians, and Mex-icans, and teir presence was also manipulated by political and economicinterests. In particular, te arrival of West Indians of African descent from Trinidad alarmed élites and te middle class, for wom a discussion of Black immigrants embodied racist concerns about Venezuela’s own popula-tion of African eritage. Wit few exceptions, traditional scolarsip as also ignored te con-tentious racial climate tat initially framed labor relations in te oil fields. he subtext for tis omission is a nationalist agenda tat igligts te rac-ist views of foreigners wile pretending tat Venezuela is racially unified. Wile it is true tat te presence of wites from te United States, were segregation was in effect, intensified te distinction between foreigners and locals, élites and te middle class eld equally insidious views toward indig-enous people, Afro-Venezuelan immigrants, and Afro–West Indian immi-6 grants. he development of Venezuela’s oil industry provides an opportunity to assess te overlapping contradictions tat Afro-Caribbean immigrationgenerated in tis formerly agrarian nation were matters of race ad been mostly dictated by élite interests. he ways in wic te class expectations engendered by te industry saped te views of various social classes, and te pivotal role of te oil companies in te political process, ave also received insufficient attention. Instead most studies ave focused on Venezuela’s struggle against foreign companies for control of its subsoil, or te institutional and corporate struc-tures involved in petroleum production. Most of tese accounts provide a general cronology or broad overview of tese complex and contradictory 7 developments. In addition, te oil companies influenced te literature by 8 funding and originating publications tat were sympatetic to teir views. Oter accounts focus almost exclusively on te significant labor strikes tat occurred in and , defining te labor movement in terms of its politi-cal impact at te expense of accounts of workers’ lives. Past union and polit-ical leaders, social democrats, and communists suc as Valmore Rodríguez,
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Jesús Prieto Soto, and Rodolfo Quintero have written very divergent ac- counts of their activities. Quintero remains among the few scholars who 1 have attempted to address the social consequences of oil production. For the most part, Venezuelan labor histories have emphasized the struggles ofworkers against the regime of Juan Vicente Gómez, the political parties thatvied for control of the movement, and the democratic period that began in 11 te s. On tis subject, work by scolars in te United States as proved no more revealing. During te s and s teir study of Venezuelan is-tory and politics in te United States followed a well-worn pat, reflecting te traditional temes tat framed teir istoriograpy of Latin America. Not viewed as one of te “important” countries, Venezuela was studied wit muc te same metods applied earlier to Mexico, Argentina, and Brazil, countries tat were of strategic geopolitical importance to te United States and terefore dominated te study of te region. Consequently, despite te importance of oil during tis period, istorians focused on traditional topicssuc as te figure of te caudillo, te military, te nature of Venezuelan rela-12 tions wit Wasington, and te role of slavery. he political, cultural, and social concerns of te United States became te lens troug wic Ven-ezuela (like most of Latin America) was studied.he examination of slavery and race, as Jon Lombardi acknowledged in a speec to te Venezuelan National Academy of History in , “rested on te ope tat te Latin American experience, properly understood, could clarify a United States 13 economic, social, and political dilemma.and Latin America in” Venezuela general offered a way to understand and assess developments in te United States. he literature of te s produced two important generalist works, one by Lombardi and te oter by Judit Ewell; as te first overviews of Venezuelan istory since te work of Edwin Lieuwen and te Venezuelan 14 Guillermo Morón in , tese filled an important lacuna. During tis same decade, regional and micro-studies assumed new importance in te 15 field of Latin American istory, and Venezuela was no exception. In addi-tion, social istory and new interdisciplinary metodologies found expres-sion in te study of colonial Venezuela and te assessment of land tenure 16 systems, social relations, and coffee production. Brian McBet provided a compreensive examination of oil policy during te Gómez era, and