Les mondes du jazz aujourd'hui

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La France a été et reste une terre d'accueil pour le jazz mais également un terrain sur lequel il a connu des développements parfaitement originaux, même si cette implantation et cet essor ont toujours suscité nombre de discours critiques. Les mondes du jazz en France ont toutefois rarement fait l'objet de descriptions ethno-sociologiques. Ces articles écrits par des sociologues qui sont aussi des musiciens montrent comment se structure et se professionnalise un style musical légitimé.
Publié le : lundi 15 mai 2006
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SOCIOLOGIE DE L'ART
NOUVELLE SÉRIE - OPuS 8

Les mondes du Jazz aujourd'hui

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COMITÉ PARRAINAGE

INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIQUE

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Ho\vard S. Becker, Université de Californie Santa Barbara, USA Guy Bellavance, LN.R.S. - Montréal, Canada Francine Couture, Université de Québec à Montréal, Canada André Ducret, Université de Genève, Suisse (Fondateur) Nicole Everaert-Desmedt, Facultés universitaires Saint-Louis, Belgique Jean-Pierre Esquenazi, Université Lyon III, France Jean-Louis Fabiani, EHESS, Paris, France Marcel Fournier, Université de Montréal, Québec, Canada Nathalie Heinich, CNRS-EHESS, Paris, France (Fondatrice) Antoine Hennion, Ecole des Mines de Paris, France Susanne Janssen, Université de Rotterdam, Pays-Bas Jean-Pierre Keller, Université de Lausanne, Suisse Jacques Leenhardt, EHESS, Paris, France Mary Leontsini, Université de Crète, Grèce Jean-Marc Leveratto, Université de Metz, France Jean-Olivier Majastre, Université Grenoble II Pierre Mendès France, France Jan Marontate, Université d'Acadie, Canada Raymonde Moulin, CNRS-EHESS, Paris, France Alain Pessin, Université Grenoble II - Pierre Mendès France, France Daniel Vander Gucht, Université libre de Bruxelles, Belgique (Fondateur) Pierre Zima, Université de Klagenfurt, Autriche Vera Zolberg, Université de Boston, USA

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OPuS
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Grenoble 2 Science!i Sociales

www.librairieharmattan.com harmattan 1@wanadoo.fr diffusion.harmattan@wanadoo.fr

@L'Hannatlan,2005 ISBN: 2-296-00775-9 EAN : 9782296007758

COMITÉ

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RÉDACTION
DE PUBLICATION

DIRECTION

Aorent Gaudez

SECRÉTARIAT DE RÉDACTION Ève Brenel Sylvia Girel Pi erre Le Quéau
CONSEIL DE RÉDACTION

Martine Azam, Université Toulouse II Ève Brenel, Université Paris III Emmanuel Ethis, Université d'Avignon Laurent Fleury, Université Paris VII Aorent Gaudez, Université Toulouse II - Champollion (Albi) Sylvia Girel, Université de Provence Jeffrey Halley, Université du Texas, San Antonio, USA Pierre Le Quéau, Université Grenoble II Catherine Dutheil Pessin, Université Grenoble II Serge Proust, Université de Rouen Alain Quemin, Université de Marne La Vallée Jean-Philippe Uzel, Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada

COMITÉ

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LECTURE

OPuS

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PRÉSIDENTS Alain Pessin, Université Grenoble II, Pierre Mendès France, France Catherine Dutheil Pessin, Université Grenoble II, Pierre Mendès France, France MEMBRES Emmanuel Ethis, Université d'Avignon, France Antoine Hennion, École des Mines, Paris, France Philippe Gumplo\vicz, Université de Bourgogne, Dijon, France Yves CiUon, Université Stendhal, Grenoble, France

Sommaire
À toi Alain Aorent Gaudez "A tribute to Alain, by Howie" Howard S . Becker
Éditorial 7

9 Il

Les mondes du Jazz aujourd'hui
The Jazz Repertoire Howard S. Becker et Robert R. Faulkner 15

Jouer « le jazz» : où, comment?
Approche ethnographique et distinction des dispositifs de jeu Marc Perrenoud L'invention d'une « scène» musicale, ou le travail du réseau. 25

La prograrnmation d'un club de lnusiques improvisées
entre radicalisation Olivier Roueff et consécration (1991-2001) 43

Multiplicité en œuvre. Spécificité des circuits de production et diversité des pratiques jazzistiques Gérôme Guibert et Matthieu Saladin

77

Varia
Les définitions esthétiques de l' œuvre et la sociologie In Memoriam, Alain Pessin Jean-Pierre Esquenazi Sociologie de la politique culturelle européenne Stratégies et représentations des acteurs dans un processus d'institutionnalisation contrarié DavidAlcaud et Jean-Miguel Pire

105

131

Débats et controverses
Howard S. Becker et Alain Pessin: Dialogue sur les notions de Monde et de Champ 165

Fiches de lectures
Daniel Vander Gucht Art et politique. Pour une redéfinition de l'art engagé Bruno Péquignot Laurent Creton Histoire économique du cinéma français. Production et financement. 1940-1959 Bruno Péquignot Pierre V. Zima L'École de Francfort. Dialectique de la particularité Céline Viguier Jean-Pierre Esquenazi Godard et la société française des années 1960 Ève Vidal Lev Vygotski Psychologie de l'art Traduction de Françoise Sève Sylvia Faure Catherine Dutheil-Pessin Le chanson réaliste. Sociologie d'un genre Michel Verret

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Résumés de thèses
Gilabert Teodoro. Géographie de l'art contelnporain en France Borges Vera. COlnédiens et troupes de théâtre au Portuga l : trajectoires professionnelles et lnarché du travail
Baracca Pierre. La lnatérialité, une e111blélnatique artistique. Un mouvelnent long de Giotto aux installations. Sociologie de l'art Peyrin Aurélie. Faire profession de la dénl0cratisation culturelle. Travail, emploi et identité professionnelle des médiateurs de 111usées

211 212 213 214

Appels à contributions

215 223

Agenda

ABONNEMENTS Particuliers:

À LA REVUE

L'abonnement comprend 2 numéros de la revue OPuS-Sociologie de l'Art par an et est fixé à : 50 € (+ 10 € hors Europe) pour 2 ans, 100 € (+ 10 € hors Europe) pour 4 ans. Veuillez adressez votre paiement à : OPuS-Sociologie de l'Art c/o Florent Gaudez Mas des Mai - Les Cassanis

F-81600 Gaillac,
bttp://sociologieart.free.fr

libellez vos chèques bancaires en €uros à l'ordre de : «Revue Sociologie de l'Art» ou versez le montant au Crédit Mutuel:
Identifiant national de compte bancaire (Relevé d' Identité Bancaire)
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Identifiant international de compte bancaire (International Bank Account Number)
IBAN: FR76 1599 9022 - 4000 0816 - 4474 BIC (Bank Identifier Code) : CMCIFR2A

-588

Institutions: Pour tout paiement par bon de facturation et/ou par groupeur : la demande d'abonnement sera adressée à l'éditeur qui vous en communiquera les modalités en fonction de votre pays de résidence: La revue est éditée par les Éditions L'Harmattan 7, rue de l'École-Polytechnique - F-75005 PARIS Tél: +33 140467920 @ Éditions L'Harmattan http://\v\v\v.editions-harmattan.fr Réalisation: Gisèle Peuchlestrade

À toi Alain
Peu m'importe les gloires et les neiges,

«

je veux savoir où se rejoignent après la mort les hirondelles. » Julio Cortazar

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OTRE AMIAlain Pessin nous a fait faux-bond prématurément. Nous en sommes tous très affectés au sein de la communauté OPuS qui s'était créée sous son impulsion et nous tenons à manifester notre amitié et notre soutien à Catherine, son épouse, avec laquelle il avait dirigé ce numéro de la revue. Nous avons demandé à son ami très proche Ho\vard S. Becker (Ho\vie) de s'y exprimer afin de lui rendre hommage pour nous tous. Nous devons notamment à l'action d'Alain, en collaboration avec son ami Bruno Péquignot, le renouveau et la formule actuelle de notre revue, et nous nous attacherons désormais à poursuivre de notre mieux cette aventure dans laquelle il nous a engagés.
Alain, puissent ta fraterni té, ta gentillesse nous montrer le chemin. . . et ton ouverture d'esprit

Florent Gaudez pour l'équipe de rédaction

7

"A tribute to Alain, by Howie"

I

T IS CONVENTIONALto say of someone \vho has left us that he \vill be missed. And surely Alain Pessin \vill be missed. I think it is necessary, in the case of someone \vho left us prematurely, long before any of us \vere ready for that to happen, to be more specific, to say just ho\v he \vill be missed. I speak for myself first, because this is the case I kno\v best and am surest of. We met \vhen he decided to prolnote me for a degree Docteur Honoris Causa at his university. This \vas unexpected, because \ve had not even met. With this honor came a lot of ,york, \vhich I \villingly accepted: to present t\VO papers at colloques on successive \veekends, and, from my point of vie\v, even more exciting, it meant presenting a short piano recital (accompanied by Benoit Cancoin) \vhich stimulated a rene\ved interest in playing. This series of events changed my life in many \vays: ne,v friends, ne\v activities, ne\v collaborations. Perhaps most important, Alain helped me find ne\v dimensions to my thinking, and encouraged me in many \vays to go beyond \vhat I had done in the past. He sa\v possibilities \vhere I sa\v dead ends, helped me turn problems into opportunities. At my age, it is all too easy to think of your \vork as done, no more to do. B ut he didn't allo\v that and, in his calm, deceptively mild, and easy-going \vay, made me feel that I had a mountain of \vork before me to do, if only because he \vanted to see what that ,york \vould look like \vhen it \vas done. Our one collaboration - the intervie\v he conducted \vith me on the relationship of the ideas of "champ" and "monde", published in this issue of the Revue \vas just such an instance. His probing questions and incisive summaries pushed me to understand my o\vn ideas far better than I ever had before. His modesty hides the brilliance of his contri bution to this dialogue. And, of course, I \vas touched, but also instructed, by his reading of my o\vn \vork in Un sociologue en liberté.

He did much more, helping to persuade me and Dianne that \ve really could learn another language, encouraging me to deliver talks to large audiences en français and to engage in quiet infonnal conversations.

9

When someone treats you as though you can do something you find that perhaps you can do \vhat you thought \vas not possible. I did not see much of Alain as a teacher, beyond \vhat he taught me. But it \vas clear from the people I met in Grenoble and else\vhere that he had the same effect on them that he had on me, sho\ving them ho\v to make the most that could be made out of their o,vn data, their o\vn ideas, their o\vn abilities. Quietly but surely, he helped them as he helped me to achieve \vhat they might not have imagined possible. He leaves a legacy of students and colleagues \vho are better sociologists and better people because of his interventions. They \vill testify to his influence and kindness for themselves.
Not the least part of his influence is the example of his o\vn \vork. There is not as much of this as \ve could \vish for. He had many ideas and approaches he never had time to turn into finished \vorks. But \ve have the books on anarchism and the book on the idea of Ie peuple and

the many papers he \vrote on those and related subjects. I particularly loved his essay on "Le monde du velo", \vhich he \vrote for the Mélanges he edited in my honor \vith Alain Blanc. Related to all that is the immense service he rendered to the field of the sociology of art. He organized OPUS, the net\vork of sociologists interested in this field in France, and sa\v to the organization of the many colloques and meetings OPUS held and, kno\ving that the products of such meetings are so often ephemeral, sa\v to the publication of the many volumes of Actes of these meetings. This \vas a tremendous stimulus not only to produce \vork but also to the development of lasting ties among the \vorkers in this field. He did not do all this alone, of course. But I think many \viII agree that \vithout Alain Pessin' s energy and leadership it \vould not have happened.
And, finally, \ve \viII all - all of us \vho kne\v him and \vhose lives \vere touched by him -miss the person, the \varm, lively, humorous, understanding and, finally, lovable person \vho \vas Alain Pessin. Adieu, Alain. Howard Becker San Francisco Jan uary, 2006

10

ÉDITORIAL

A FRANCE a été et reste une terre d'accueil pour le jazz mais également un terrain sur lequel il a connu des développements parfaitement originaux, même si cette implantation et cet essor ont toujours suscité nombre de discours critiques et d'essais aussi passionnés que polémiques. Comme le soulignait J.-L. Fabiani en 19861, et contrairement à ce qui s'est passé aux États-Unis, les mondes du jazz en France ont toutefois rarement fait l'objet de descriptions ethno-sociologiques. Depuis quelques années, cependant, les choses changent et ce dernier numéro de la Revue de sociologie de l'art s'inscrit dans ce mouvement. Tous les articles proposés dans ce dossier, il faut le souligner, sont écrits par des sociologues qui sont aussi des musiciens et qui ont remarquablement su exploiter cette double expérience pour, au-delà de la mise en œuvre d'une réflexivité sur une pratique artistique, montrer comment se structure et se professionnalise un style musical légitimé. Le dossier s'ouvre sur le duo offert par H. S. Becker et R. R. Faulkner qui sont aussi complices sur la scène (le premier au piano, le second à la trompette) que dans la recherche. Ils nous invitent à une réflexion sur les répertoires du jazz en montrant comment leur construction sous-tend des processus de négociation caractéristique de l'action collective. Cette « performance», si l'on peut dire, nous donne incidemment l'occasion de fêter d'une autre manière, après le colloque qui s'est tenu à Grenoble au mois d'octobre 2005, les 20 ans de la sociologie de l'art en France, puisque c'est en 1985 que paraissait Outsiders dans sa traduction en français. En même temps, elle nous permet de découvrir ou d'apprécier R. R. Faulkner, mieux connu sans doute aux États-Unis, notamment pour son approche des musiciens de studio à Holly\vood2. M. Perrenoud poursuivra « en solo» une ethnographie précise du métier de jazzman, tel qu'il le vit lui-même. Cette étude met notamment en IUlnière le jeu des musiciens dans différentes situations
1 J.-L. Fabiani: «Carrières improvisée », in R. Moulin: Sociologie de l'art, La Documentation Française, 1986. 2 Quelques-uns des derniers ouvrages de R. R. Faulkner: Holl.vwood Studio Musicians: Their Work and Careers in the Recording Industry, Paperback, 1985 ,. Music on Demand: Composers and Careers in the Hollywood Film Industry, Paperback, 2003.

L

Il

de concert. Le musicien apparaît alors comme « celui qui sait quoi faire» on stage, c'est-à-dire: possède non seulement un répertoire musical, mais aussi un registre de postures qu'on ne peut comprendre dans les resituer sur les scènes ou dans les « dispositifs» où elles s'inscrivent. Quelles scènes? O. Roueff, précisément, analyse en profondeur les logiques, doubles ou ambivalentes - entre le jeu de l'institution par la recherche de subventions vs. et cel ui de l' innovation - dans lesquelles sont pris et fonctionnent les clubs de jazz et leurs réseaux. Hommes (si l'on songe que les femmes restent peu présentes dans ce monde, exception faite des chanteuses), lieux dispositifs, situations... C'est encore en duo que se décline la contribution finale de ce dossier à quatre temps. G. Guibert et M. Saladin soulignent d'une autre façon la créativité qui est à l' œuvre dans les mondes du jazz, malgré les processus d'institutionnalisation induits par les politiques publiques, d'une part, et l'industrie du disque et les circuits de production et de distribution, d'autre part. Ce dossier, composé par C. Pessin, a reçu le concours d'un comité de lecture formé par A. Pessin (Université Pierre Mendès France, Grenoble), E. Ethis (Université d'Avignon), A. Hennion (École des Mines, Paris), P. Gumplo\vicz (Université de Bourgogne, Dijon), et Y. Citton (Université Stendhal, Grenoble).
Bonne lecture. . .

12

LES MONDES DU JAZZ AUJOURD'HUI

The Jazz Repertoire
Howard Robert S. BECKER, University of Santa Barbara,

California, USA.
R. FAULKNER, University of Massachussetts,

Amherst, USA.

SUlnlnary: H.S. Becker and R.R. Faulkner, starting from their own experinlent of n1usicians of jazz and their work of ground, study the processes of construction of the repertories of the jazz. They take the pieces, the n1usicians, the situations of play, the usual repertory, as as many units of analysis enabling then1 to n1ake explicit the choices and the constraints, as well as the processes of negotiation to the work in this construction. The repertories appear indeed as exemplary situations in which in a concrete way the mechanisn1s of the collective action appear, of the joint action; one consequently sees the interest of the concept of repertory and his extension to other spheres of the collective life. Key words: jazz, repertory, ofplay. collective action, situations

Le repertoire Jazz

Résulné: H.S. Becker et R.R. Faulkner, à partir de leur propre expérience de n1usiciens de jazz et de leur travail de terrain, étudient les processus de construction des répertoires du jazz. Ils prennent les morceaux, les n1usiciens, les situations de jeu, le répertoire habituel, COlnn1eautant d'unités d'analyse leur pern1ettant de

15

Howard S. BECKER, Robert R. FAULKNER

rendre explicites les choix et les contraintes, ainsi que les processus de négociation à l'œuvre dans cette construction. Les répertoires apparaissent en effet con1me des situations exen1plaires dans lesquelles se n1anifestent de n1anière concrète les n1écanismes de l'action collective, de l'action concertée,. on voit dès lors l'intérêt de la notion de répertoire et de son extension à d'autres sphères de la vie collective. Mots-clés: de jeu. jazz, répertoire, action collective, situations

El repertorio Jazz

Resumen: H.S Becker y R.R Faulkner estudian los processos de elaboracion de repertorios del Jazz. Lo hacen desde sus propias expériencias de musicos de jazz y desde sus trabajos ethnologicos. El propuesta se apoya en un analisis de los partituras, los musicos, la manera de poner en pràctica la n1usicay el repertorio acostumbrado. Esta interesado en los processos de negociaciones en relacion con los selecciones de repertorios. Los repertorios aparecen como ejemplos sociales concretos de los lnecanismos de la accion colectiva. Ven10Sasi el interès de este nocion de repertorio para analysar la vida colectiva.
Palabras claves : jazz, repertorio, accion colectiva.

16

The Jazz Repertoire
W e have
begun a study of the jazz repertoire, based first on our o\vn experiences and memories, but more importantly on contemporary field \vork and intervie\vs ,vith \vorking musicians. We begin \vith a simple observation; every evening, and especially on \veekends, all over North America, musicians \vho may not kno\v each other at all and \vho, quite often, have never rehearsed together, perform in public for several hours, \vith a minimum of discussion or preparation. They perform \vell enough to satisfy the people \vho hired them and, quite often, \vell enough to satisfy themselves. Our research is designed to ans\ver an equally simple question: ho\v do they manage to do that? The simple question has a simple ans\ver: they can play together that \vay because they all kno\v the same songs - they share a repertoire so that all that is necessary is for someone to name one of the songs they kno\v in common, perhaps mention a key, and then count off t\VObars after \vhich they playas though they had been playing together for years. But that simple ans\ver, \vhile more or less correct, is only the beginning of a complicated story. Because none of \vhat \ve have just offered as the ans\ver is exactly correct - more or less correct, in a general ,vay, but differing on every specific occasion. And the differing occasions and their differing consequences let us see ho\v this mechanism of producing concerted action really \vorks.
THE BASIC UNITS OF ANALYSIS

Four elements follo\v:

furnish

the ra\v material

for the complications

to

1. Songs: The repertoire of jazz players (of \vorking musicians in general) is made up of songs. A song is a melody ,vith its accompanying harmonic structure (and, optionally, its lyrics).

17

Howard S. BECKER. Robert R. FAULKNER

2. Perfornlers: Musicians variety of situations.

(and singers) \vho perform songs in a

3. Pelformance situations: Musical performances take place in settings characterized by their location, their personnel, and the demands they make on the performers. 4. Working repertoire: Performers choose from the songs available to them to create a performance that takes account of the characteristics of the situation. Let that stand, for the moment, as our statement of \vhat \ve are talking about, the elements and the process that make up the activities for \vhich \ve are using "repertoire" as shorthand.
SONGS

We've observed three kinds of songs played by musicians \vorking in ensembles: a) traditional songs, often created by the "folk" and preserved in the memories and activities of non-professional performers (e.g., "Happy Birthday").
b) songs \vritten by professional song\vriters for popular consumption. I'm not sure \vhen this industry came into existence (in the U.S., maybe around 1900) but by the 1910s and beyond it \vas flourishing, producing thousands of songs a year. c) Songs \vritten by jazz players, mainly but not entirely instrumental performance, thus mostly \vithout lyrics. for

Think of all of these songs - all the songs ever \vritten or recorded or
played any\vhere, ho\vever they are stored and preserved - as constituting a reservoir of \vhat performers could play if they \vanted to and conditions allo\ved them to. A song is a short composition \vith some repetitions that takes one of a fe\v forms. There are variations but they are not great. Here are the main types:

18

The Jazz Repertoire

The simplest form in the repertoire is the blues: t\velve bars long, \vith a simple harmonic structure. The more or less traditional melodies are relatively unimportant, though musicians often compose melodies that then become a specific repertoire item. To say "Blues in B Flat", adding the key, gives enough information to the other players to make a creditable performance possible. The most common form of the songs in this repertoire is: 32 bars, AABA or ABAB format (~vhere each letter stands for an eight bar segment), \vith a range of no more than a tenth and usually less, and most of the melody moves scale\vise or through arpeggios. (More notes became available as major melody notes over the decades.) When performers learn a song, they take this structure as the norm and note variations from it. Harmonies conform to a fe\v standard patterns: 11-V -I, and the circle of fifths variations on that, for instance. Other variations are created by key changes (up a major or minor third are most common). Like melodies, harmonies got more complex and varied over the decades. There are other variations, \vhich \ve \von't go into here, other than to note that songs \vritten for performance by jazz groups often depart even more from standard patterns. In general, the songs are so formulaic that describing a song as "I Got Rhythm \vith a Honeysuckle bridge" is enough for other players to be able to play the song (given that at least one of them kno\vs the melody, though even that is not completely necessary). Most songs are elaborate variations on a fe\v templates. A person \vho kno\vs the basic forms can play thousands of songs \vithout difficulty. To be available to performers, songs must be preserved and distri buted. This is commonly done by publication, the printed song being available for purchase, and many places store amd/or sell old sheet music. Written songs can also be distributed informally, via xerox copies, as can songs \vhich have been \vritten but never published. Songs can also simply be preserved in memory (the Fahrenheit 451 method), as I preserve many of the songs of the 1930s in my menlory. Finally, songs are preserved on recordings, \vhich serve as audi ble scores. To acquire a song in one of these \vays takes certain skillsbeing able to read music or to reproduce a song after hearing it.

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Howard S. BECKER, Robert R. FAULKNER

PERFORMERS

Performers play songs in performance situations, to \vhich they bring a body of songs they have learned and practiced, \vhich they can perform in a variety of \vays. This is their personal repertoire. Performers learn songs by reading them from \vritten scores or by hearing them in public performances, on the radio or on recordings. What's available varies greatly. In the 1930s people could learn the constant stream of ne\v songs from the radio; that became less possible as radio programming changed. Jazz players typically treat the recordings of \vell kno\vn players and singers as privileged sources of material (a song recorded by Chet Baker has a better chance of being heard and learned by players looking for ne\v tunes than one recorded only by commercial dance bands). To "kno\v" a song completely means kno\ving the melody as written or played by the composer or an admired performer, and the underlying harmonies players typically use as a basis for accompaniment and improvisation. In theory, players kno\v these things about every song they might play, but they often kno\v only one, and that not very \vell. But, even then, the group can play the song, because the formulaic character of these songs makes it easy to guess at \vhat's missing. Players' repertoires vary idiosyncratically in ho\v much and \vhat they contain, and players change their opinions of songs as they become familiar \vith them, usually eventually tiring of them and replacing them \vith others in the "active" repertoire.
PLAYING SITUATIONS

Every playing situation makes specific demands for kinds of music on the musicians, \vho must have the skills and kno\vledge to do \vhat's required. Most performance events are audience oriented. In a public event, an audience pays (by buying tickets or drinks) to hear music and perhaps dance to it. What musicians ITIlIstbe able to play depends on the audience's tastes, as those are shaped by ethnic ("0 Sole Mia." "My Yiddishe Mama", "Does Your Mother Come From Ireland") or class culture, by generational experience (songs of the 30s or 60s) or

20

The Jau. Repertoire

even occupational peculiarities (e.g., gamblers). Audiences change and \vhat a musician must kno\v changes accordingly. In a private event, the host of a party pays for the guests to be entertained. In either case, the people \vho pay usually kno\v \vhat they \vant and insist on it - this kind of song, that kind of dance. These demands may be quite idiosyncratic (the bride's father insists on the songs he asked for). Some events, ho\vever, are musician-only events, \vhere the performers' only concern is \vith \vhat the other musicians present think. In such a setting, no one \vill insist on a tune musicians despise. Such situations let performers tryout ne\v things, adding to one's repertoire, experimenting \vith ne\v formats, and setting up some ne\v possibilities for collective \vork.
WORKING REPERTOIRE

So performers, \vho have learned some but not all of the possible songs they might have learned, come together in playing situations \vhere they have to play for a certain amount of time for \vhoever is there. The payoff for thinking of repertoire this \vay lies in the result you get \vhen you specify the character of each of these inputs. This specific group of players playing in this specific place \vith its specific demands and using the specific repertoire that is, one \vay or another and at one level or another, available to them individually and collectively, \vill create, on the spot and perhaps for this one time

only, a \vorking repertoire: this \vorking repertoire

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the specific list of

songs they play on that occasion. In the most general case, a \vorking repertoire has no temporal extension, it exists (analytically) for that one time only. In fact, of course, the same performers often \vork together in the same situation (or the same kind of situation) for long periods of time, and the \vorking repertoire they develop becomes a resource they can call on again and again. They've \vorked out \vhat they jointly kno\v, \vhat the situations demand or \vill tolerate, and have a list of tunes that only needs to be selected from and arranged sequentially for them to produce an evening's performance. The process of constructing a specific repertoire for an occasion means noticing that it's time to play, negotiating \vhat to play, deciding \vhether they collectively kno\v that tune or \vant to play it,

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Howard S. BECKER, Robert R. FAULKNER

\vhether (if they don't kno\v it) they \vill try it any\vay. The details of the negotiation tell us make explicit the constraints of the performing situation. When a group plays together for many nights over many \veeks, they \villlearn \vhat the others kno\v, \vhat tunes they kno\v in common, \vhere the overlaps fail. They \vill also learn \vhat others are \villing to do. Ho\v much trouble are they \villing to go to to learn something ne\v? Will they take chances on something unfamiliar? There is a process here too. One member of the group may be the de facto finder of ne\v things \vhich he then proposes to the others to learn and play on the job. Or that function might be shared. The main elements of this negotiation are: 1. Selecting elements from a pool of available resources. 2. Ordering and prioritizing the selected elements into a specific performance, a \vorking set. 3. Adapting, tailoring and assimilating the preliminary set to the demands of the si tuation, to \vhat audiences, elnployers, and other agents of social control require.

The \vorking repertoire a group develops in this \vay consists of a more or less stable number of tunes they all kno\v and are prepared to play, and a disposition (variable from group to group and maybe also from night to night) to learn ne\v things and try them out in the \vork situation. The resulting repertoires can be classified according at least to three characteristics:
a) the number of tunes available as resources (the pool) b) diversity: the variety of tunes the group is prepared to play, or ho\v different the songs are that are selected from the pool c) Variability of set and performance night after night (do \ve play nothing but bossa novas or bebop or popular tunes of the day, or do 'Ne play anything \ve \vant to?). Ho\v much rOOIn for variation in style of playing do the players have? Can they improvise freely, or must they stick to he melody as someone has recorded it, or to a solo someone has recorded?

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