LITTÉRATURE ET ORDRE SOCIAL

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Des linguistes universitaires de diverses spécialités (anglicistes, germanistes, hispanistes, orientalistes) se sont trouvés réunis pour confronter l'aboutissement de leurs recherches sur l'approche littéraire de la communication sociale, tant chez des auteurs aux sensibilités complémentaires que dans l'expression même de la langue.
Publié le : vendredi 1 octobre 1999
Lecture(s) : 92
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EAN13 : 9782296390485
Nombre de pages : 352
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.LITTERATURE
ET

ORDRE SOCIAL

1999 ISBN : 2-7384~ 7999-5

@ L' Harmattan,

Sous la direction de Jean-Paul BARBICHE, Professeur, Directeur du CERIL Université du Havre

LITTERATURE
ET

ORDRE SOCIAL

Actes du Colloque International

"Cultures et Société Ordre et Désordres"

-

CERIL Université du Havre Faculté des Affaires Internationales 25, rue Philippe Lebon 76600 Le Havre L'Harmattan 5-7, rue de l'École Polytechnique 75005 Paris - FRANCE L'Harmattan Inc. 55, rue Saint Jacques Montréal (Qc) - CANADA illY lK9

'P~
Le regard que les enseignants et chercheurs universitaires linguistes portent sur les cultUres et les civilisations des pays où se parlent les langues dont ils sont des spécialistes ne cesse d'évoluer. D'une part parce que ces contrées évoluent elles-mêmes, et d'autre part parce que la mobilité croissante qui s'impose à tous - celle des hommes et celle des idées -les a contraints à passer d'une analyse souvent géo-centrée à une démarche ouverte, imprégnée de géopolitique, d'approches comparées, de connaissances croisées. La pénétration par la culture dite "anglosaxonne" des modes de vie et des structures sociales, jusque dans les recoins les plus reculés de la planète, n'est que l'un des exemples, parmi les plus manifestes, qui justifient que se rencontrent les chercheurs attentifs à l'évolution et au devenir du monde. Le Centre d'Etudes et de Recherche Inter-Langues (CERIL) de l'université du Havre s'est donné pour tâche de les réunir, pour mieux se connaître et travailler ensemble. Le colloque de Mars 1999, sur le thème de Cultures et Sociétés: Ordre et Désordres a précisément donné lieu à des débats riches et contrastés, dont on trouvera ici le contenu.

Jean-Paul BARBICHE Professeur, Directeur du CERIL

SOMMAIRE
PREMIÈRE PARTIE
ORDRE ET ORTHODOXIE: DU ROYAUME UNI AUX ROYAUMES DÉSUNIS
Claire LOSTANLEN
PRCE

-Université

du Havre

Nursery rhymes: an initiation to social order

13

Hélène DACHEZ
A.T.E.R - Université de Cergy-Pontoise

Ordre et désordre: le paradoxe du bal masqué dans les romans de Samuel Richardson (1689-1761)

28

Rémy HUREL PRCE- Universitédu Havre A kingdom for words

41

Robert WUTHRICK
PRAG

-Université

du Havre

Des sauvageons

à Birmingham au XIXèm.siècle

53

Hugues LEBAILL Y
Université de Reims "Ordering Disorder" l'art victorien
:

la fonction

normative

de

73

Jean-Paul ROSA YE
Maitre de conférences

-Université

de Valenciennes

Introduction à la pensée conservatrice de T.S Eliot Isobel HEALD
Maitre de conférences

84

-

Université

d'Angers

Conflit et chaos / Hiérarchie et hypocrisie. L'Espagne de la génération de 1898 et l'Angleterre à l'époque édouardienne vus par Pio Baroja dans La Cité des Brumes (1909)

96

Lai1i DOR
Ecole Normale Supérieure de Fontenay.Saint.Cloud

Chaos et harmonie dans YoungArchimedes d'Aldous Huxley

113

Alexander SHISHIN
Associate Professor. Kobe Women's University. Japan

George Orwell and the left: Orwell's utopian vision of English socialism and its betrayal

125

Timothy MASON
Maître de conférences. I.U.FM de Versailles

Lire les émeutes: interprétations du désordre civil au Royaume-Uni depuis 1980

135

Dominique

SÈVE
Université du Havre

Maître de conférences.

Irlande du Nord: vers un nouvel ordre?

151

Patricia G. KING
Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia. USA

Les affiches de la république espagnole: témoignages et ordre symbolique nés de la guerre civile

158

Martine RAIBAUD
Maître de conférences. Université de La Rochelle

Les aspirations de la jeunesse chinoise: changer la société. Une tradition héritée du mouvement du 4 mai 1919

166

DEUXIÈME PARTIE
LANGUES ET LANGAGES: VECTEURS DE CONFLITS ET D'HARMONIE
Voland SIMON
PRCE Université du Havre Auteur dramatique

-

De la satire à la parodie ou la crise de la comédie Christine PÉRÈs
Maitre de conférences

181

-CRIC -Université

de Toulouse-le

Mirail

Ordre et désordre dans le roman postmoderne La ronde de nuit (1969) de Patrick Modiano et El finete Polaco (1991) d'Antonio Munoz Molina Sabina COLLET SEDOLA
Maitre de Conférences

188

-Université

de Corse

Subversion et conformisme dans L'opposition et conjonction des deux grands luminaires de la terre (paris, 1617) de Carlos Garda Jean-Marc PASTRÉ
Professeur - Université de Rouen

205

Ordre et désordres: les mythes culturels fondateurs d'idéologies sociales dans l'aire indo-européenne Jean-Marc DELAGNEAU
Président section d'allemand

213

-Université

du Havre

Désordres inattendus ou les écarts de la norme dans les langues allemandes de spécialité Catherine CROIX
Professeur agrégé d'allemand

225

-Lycée

Claude

Monet

-Le Havre
239

Nonsense. De l'intrusion (?) de l'anglo-américain dans la langue allemande Christine MONDON
Maitre de Conférences

-Université

du Havre

La crise des valeurs et la recherche d'un salut esthétique et métaphysique dans l'oeuvre de Hermann Broch (1886-1951)

257

Claire BOURGUIGNON
Maitre de conférences. Université du Havre

La mondialisation ou le re-tour de Babel ?

272

Nada AFIOUNI
A.T.E.R . Université du Havre I Université de Provence

La non-correspondance linguistique des concepts et leur désignation dans l'Union européenne. Le cas de la France et de la Grande-Bretagne

283

Rita RANSON Docteur. Universitédu Havre L'anglais standard: un rempart contre le chaos linguistique de l'anglais?

291

Guy INGOUACKA
Maitre de conférences. Université du Littoral. Dunkerque Langage et interférences culturelles

302

Akira TERADA
Maitre de conférences. Université du Havre

Comment les Japonais ont mis de l'ordre dans les pensées sur la langue

310

Sawako TANIYAMA
Associate Professor. Kobe Women's Junior College. Japan

The literary, artistic and cultural influences on Japanese composer Toru Takemitsu

316

Jean-Christophe

DEIMEULE 326

PRAG . Université Lille III. Charles de Gaulle

Chaos politique, chaos littéraire. L'exemple de Jean-Luc Raharimanana

Mohamed SAKI
Université MouJay Ismail. Maroc

Constructions rhétoriques de la transgression

336

10

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NURSERY RHYMES:

AN INITIATION

TO SOCIAL ORDER

Claire Doreen LOST ANLEN PRCE Université du Havre

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In every English-speaking country, but in Great Britain notably, nursery rhymes are particularly cherished as a precious heritage of oral tradition, and are widely accepted as an essential cultural advantage to a child's mental and intellectual development. However, while many of these nursery rhymes are jolly, puerile, stimulating nonsense, and offer a poetic view of life, others appear to be decidedly adult in subject-matter, vocabulary and content. Their origins reveal that they were initially a subversive means of expressing revolt, of criticizing an established order by the intellegentia of the eighteenth century. They became popular and widespread with their publication in the nineteenth century when they became mainly intended for children. The adoption of these rhymes by the Victorian society who endeavoured to obliterate any critical or subversive content modified their social role. Since these rhymes were systematically and intensively told or sung from babyhood, they may be regarded as a diverting but nevertheless a subtle process of indoctrination, designed to mould the child's mind in matters concerning politics, religion, and social beliefs. They were in effect a persuasive means of initiating the èhild to conform to a moral and social code of behaviour, insidiously inculcating in the child's mind the ability to recognise and respect his allotted place in society. To avoid an exhaustive catalogue of these rhymes, I will select only a few that drew my attention to the fact that, when studied in their historical context, they reflect the will, and serve the purpose of the Victorian society to give children a strict and rigid upbringing.1 The main values that characterized the Victorian era were social order and hierarchy, both apparent as intrinsic themes in nursery rhymes, as is a sense of law and order. That nineteenth-century Britain was a kingdom with a King, up to 1837 and then a Queen; that there were courtiers, lords and ladies, gentlemen farmers, tradesmen, domestic farmhands, kitchen maids, thieves and finally beggars is emphasized in many rhymes. The supremacy of the English Crown is, for instance, expressed in :"The Lion and the Unicorn/ Were fighting for the crown; / The lion beat the unicorn / All round about the town." "The popular tradition is that the rhyme tells the story of the amalgamation of the Royal Arms of Scotland with those of England when James VI of Scotland was crowned James I of England"l in 1603.

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In "Hector Protector"), a King and a Queen are presented, ruling over their subjects. The child being one of them could understand that the monarchs' subjects should conform to the behaviour dictated by these rulers (deduced from the fact that Hector Protector was not supposed to have been "dressed in green" and therefore was cast from the palace). However, if this "Hector Protector" stands for the Lord Protector - the head of the kingdom when the king or queen cannot rule - it reveals, even more forcefully, the monarchs as the despotic rulers of the country, and that their subjects must submit to their power. Loyalty to the Queen and country is expounded further as the child is informed that the monarch lives in London ("Pussy cat, pussy cat, where have you been? I've been to London to look at the Queen".) and is a rich monarch, in charge of the wealth of the country ("Sing a song of sixpence, a pocket full of rye... The King was in his counting house, counting out his money"5) and is most often portrayed as a good monarch. This is the case in "When good King Arthur ruled this land, he was a goodly king'" (besides, the moral message in this rhyme being that food should not be wasted). A parody of this rhyme published in 1842 was a ballad on the christening of the Prince of Wales7 and is a good example of how rhymes could be appropriated, and in this case, to present Queen Victoria as "a good Queen" : "When great Victoria ruled the land, she ruled it like a Queen; she had a Princess and a Prince not very far between".' The Opie Dictionary dates the first reference to "The Queen of Hearts" as 1782 and mentions that there may be "some subterranean mockery, probably political" in the rhyme (360). However, the use of this rhyme devoid of its original meaning in the nineteenth century helped the child to learn that his country was ruled by a king and a queen, and that the king was endowed with authority, and executive power: "(...) The king of Hearts / Called for the tarts / And beat the knave full sore". With the knave being beaten and who "vowed he'd steal no more" the inference to the child was that stealing was severely punished. A nineteenth-century child knew what "beating" meant as corporal punishment was then of common practice, encouraged and justified, and even perceived as normal behaviour. Children being whipped into submission is a recurrent theme in nursery rhymes, and these were exploited by the Victorians to bring up their children according to their moral values and own particular code of behaviour. Three typical examples are quoted as follows: "There was an old woman who lived in a shoe / She had so many children she didn't know what to do. / (...) She whipped them all soundly and put them to bed"'. In "Little Polly Flinders", "Her mother came and caught her, / And whipped her little daughter / For spoiling her nice new clothes" because she had "sat among the cinders"lo. "Tom, Tom the piper's son"tt was beaten for having stolen a pig.

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Violence against animals is reiterated in nursery rhymes told in the nineteenth century. "I'll sing you a song, / the days are long" refers to a dog being hanged. The trial of animals and the judicial hanging of dogs, although uncommon, appears to have been considered reasonable from the 16th century to the 18th century. First published in 1784, this rhyme was then published at least five times in the nineteenth century12 and may therefore seem to have been popular and could well have served as a threat in case of children's bad behaviour. Another dog is condemned to be

hanged by a parson in "Barnaby Bright he was a sharp cur. "13 It should be
reminded here that housebreaking, sheepstealing, and forgery ceased to be on the list of capital offenses in 1832, "but after 1838, no one was hanged

except for murder or attempted murder" .14
Nursery rhymes proved adequate in bringing the nineteenth-century child a sense of law and order, to enforce the royal power, and to instil a sense of hierarchy, enabling him to be aware of, and especially reminding him to accept unquestionably his social standing, however noble or humble. Aristocratic and noble titles are often mentioned, such as Dukes ("the Grand Old Duke of York"15), Lords, Ladies and gentlemen down to the social status of farmers, maids, beggarmen and thieves. A lullaby published in 1805 clearly illustrated this point: "Rock-a-bye baby / Thy cradle is green / Father's a nobleman / Mother's a Queen / And Betty's a lady / And wears a gold ring / And Johnny's a drummer, and drums for the king"I'. Class system is also expressed in rhymes such as "Ride a cock horse to Banbury Cross to see a fine lady"17,or in "One, Two, Buckle my shoe"l' with the presence of maids in their roles as servants; in the formely quoted nursery rhyme, while "the King was in his counting house" revelling in his riches, "the maid was in the garden, hanging out the clothes". The following nineteenth-century version of a popular folk song "Where are you going to, my pretty maid ?"Ustages a fine gentleman courting a farm maid:
"(00')

What is your father, my pretty maid?

My father's a farmer, sir, she said. What is your fortune, my pretty maid?

My face is my fortune, sir, she said.
Then I can't marry you, my pretty maid. Nobody asked you, sir, she said." The message here is conveyed unequivocally: that a gentleman would have no intention of marrying a poor maid, however pretty she may be, because his intentions would not have been honourable. This convincingly illustrates what David Thomson writes in England in the Nineteenth Century, that, at the turn of the nineteenth century, the Tory Party:

15

" remained the party of (...) public order and administrative efficiency, of continuity and traditionalism (...). It clung to a hierarchical and aristocratic notion of society, later to be embodied in the mid-Victorian doctrine of 'the rich man in his castle, the poor man at his gate'. "20 Britain was at the time entering the early stages of her industrial revolution. But in 1815, at the time of Waterloo, villages were still the main focus of life for most Englishmen. A clear picture of rural life is described in detail in nursery rhymes. The way of life of the peasants is shown, for instance, by the repeated references to going to the market to sell and barter wares, and also by the "fairs" when farm and domestic workers were hired. Farm animals and their welfare are favourite topics, as well as shepherds and shepherdesses, pig farmers, crop growing (especially corn), cattle rearing, milking cows and dairy maids. Most of the land, however, belonged to wealthy landowners who employed tenant farmers and labourers, and this country gentry: "as squires and Justices of the

Peace, were still the real governors of the countryside. "21 They carried out
the policing exactly in accordance with what suited their own interests. In "Old Mother Goose and the Golden Egg", Jack, a country boy, legitimately owned a goose that laid golden eggs and was cheated out of half of his due by a dishonest merchant. A summary form of justice was carried out and "The merchant and the squire / Soon came at his back / And began to belabour / The sides of poor Jack."22The submission of the peasants is often conveyed in the rhymes with references notably to "the Master". In "Baa, baa, black sheep" for instance, the three bags of wool are divided as such: "One for the master, / And one for the dame, / And one for the little boy / Who lives down the lane"D, inferring that the rural worker came last in the sharing of the goods they produced, but at least in this case there was a fair distribution. The profit-making class of the landed gentry ruled locally, while the exploited country folk were eking out a hard living to feed their large families. Thus, game hunting became - more than ever - a bare necessity to feed the household. The babies were lulled to sleep with such rhymes as "Bye, Baby bunting, / Daddy's gone a-hunting, / Gone to get a rabbit skin / To wrap the baby bunting in."24But the 1815 Game Laws stipulated that "it was illegal for anyone who was not the squire or a squire's eldest son to kill game. "25Consequently, the country folk were driven to poaching which was cruelly punished: "The cottager caught with his nets at night, in quest of a hare or rabbit, could by a new lawof 1816 be transported for seven years."26This social inequality resulted in a "poaching war" in 1827 between, on the one side, the country gentry and gamekeepers, and on the other, gangs of armed thugs from the country but also from the towns; "and it was evidence that they produced disorder, as much as that they produced hardship, which led to the gradual repeal of the game laws."27 The following nursery rhyme "Little Tommy

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Tittlemouse / Lived in a little house; / He caught fishes / In other men's ditches"28 is proof of the activity of poaching which in effect was a need, and not a crime. Moreover, feelings of revolt and a sense of injustice and danger arose with the resentment felt by the working classes towards the upper classes, expressed in rhymes by a mocking attitude: in "Where are you going to, my pretty maid ?" (above mentioned) the farm maid defies the gentleman in the last verse by rebuking his marriage proposal. The character of "I had a little pony" lent his pony to a lady "who whipped him, slashed him, and rode him through the mire"29. The rhyme ends on a bitter tone: "I would not lend my pony now, / For all the lady's hire." Overt mockery of the upper class gentry is expressed in "The man in the moon" who is depicted as "dull" and living out of reality: "The man in the moon drinks claret, / But he is a dull jack-a-dandy ; / Would he know a sheep's head from a carrot / He should learn to drink cider and brandy"Jo. The wealthy and powerful merchants of London are ridiculed, out of jealousy and envy, since "they wear scarlet; / Silk in the collar and gold in the hem, / So merrily march the merchant men."n Complaints about exploitation and abuse by the "Master" are also contentious issues. A typical example of a worker complaining about his long working hours is expressed in "Father Short came down the lane; / Oh ! I'm obliged to hammer and smite / From four in the morning till eight at night, / For a bad master, and a worse dame. "J2 It should be pointed out here that in the 1830s, movements of early trades unionism were bringing great disorder, reaching its climax in the case of the "Tolpuddle martyrs" in 1834 , which became a landmark in trades union historyY Young maid-servants complained of abuse also, and so many maids are courted and "kissed" by their masters in nursery rhymes, that one doesn't know which one to quote. Most of the time, however, the situation is presented ironically, such as in this rhyme: "There was an old man in a velvet coat (being obviously the master) / He kissed a maid and gave her a groat; / The groat was cracked and would not go, / Ah, old man, do you serve me so ?"J4.Or in this other one: "An old maid, an old maid, / You will surely be, / If you laugh or if you smile / While l tickle round your knee"JS, which suggests that, if the maid had complained, she would have been dismissed by her master. While telling this rhyme, the adult is supposed to tickle the child's knee, and the innuendo of the actual scene shifts to amusement. Snobbery was rife between the classes, and scournful treatment and derision arising from envy, was meted out to anyone who sought to rise above his station in life. In "A farmer went trotting upon his grey mare"J' the family of an honest farmer is made fun of when his horse stumbles and he and his pretty daughter are thrown into the mud. The farmer has a head injury and his mare is lame. Not a comical situation, but it is depicted as

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one, and there is even the inference that there is hope that the incident will be renewed. However, in "See-Saw, Margery Daw"37, and in "Elsey Marley is grown so fine"38, the characters described are immoral women, innkeepers and whores, who in these rhymes are maliciously disparaged. "The name Margery in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was used almost exclusively by poor country people, and "Daw" referred to a lazy person or a sluggard. The picture given by the rhymes sustains the idea that an appellation for a slut was Margery Daw".39 There was also little respect for soldiers and sailors who figure largely in lots of rhymes. For instance, "The Grenadier" is passed off as a drunkenfool: "What do you want? / A pot of beer. / Where's your money? / I forgot it. / Get you gone, / You silly blockhead. "40 After the aristocracy, the gentry and the professions and tradesmen, the established social order is unambiguously stated in the following counting rhyme: "Tinker, tailor, soldier, sailor, richman, poorman, beggarman, thief. ".1 Note the order of the last two: the beggars are slightly more highly esteemed than the thieves. "Little Tommy Tucker has to sing for his supper".2 for instance, or "Christmas is coming, the geese are getting fat, / Please put a penny in the old man's hat. / If you haven't got a penny, a ha'penny will do; / If you haven't got a ha'penny, / Then God bless you !".3 But an acute feeling of unease and fear is conveyed when hordes of beggars flocked through the town: "Hark, Hark, the dogs do bark, / The beggars are coming to town. ".. In the accompanying illustrations of this rhyme, people are seen fleeing and locking themselves up in their houses. Tradesmen and craftsmen as part of the class system also figure in many rhymes. In "Old Mother Hubbard and her Dog".s alone, she goes to the following trades people: the baker's, the undertaker's, the butcher's, the alehouse, the tavern, the fruiterer's, the tailor's, the hatter's, the barber's, the cobbler's, the seamstress' and the hosier's. Although the industrial revolution took place in the nineteenth century, surprisingly very few references are made to this event. The rhymes deal mainly with rather pastoral matters. Ian Bradley in Abide With Me, The World of Victorian Hymns noted that the nineteenth-century hymns are "gentle rather than angry, reflecting the calm and secluded atmosphere of the country rectory rather than the chaos and squalor of the city slum or factory (...). They never exalted the manufacturers, inventions, transportation, and industrial cities that were the chief cause of England's wealth and influence. "% The very same applies to nursery rhymes, as an extensive research on my part has revealed only scant examples referring to the industrial revolution; one on the coal mines: "Little man in a coal pit".7 ; one about steam engines: "Down at the station, early in the morning, / See the little puffing billies all in a row. / See the little driver pull the little lever / puff, puff, puff and away we go"" ; one about the use of iron and steel in the rebuilding of London Bridge: "London bridge is

18

broken down".9 ; and although spinning was a thriving industry, no reference can be found to industrial weaving with looms, only to spinning as a cottage industry. School does not feature highly in nursery rhymes either, as there was in fact little time for play or school. Before 1867, although school existed, there was no general system. "It was the Reform Bill of 1867 which gave the first real impetus to the creation of a national system of free and

compulsory education. "SO Two ditties featuring privileged children can be
quoted: "Mary had a little lamb"51which followed her to school one day, and "A Dillar, a Dollar / A ten o'clock scholar."52 A form of segregation existed among the children of different social classes. The aristocratic children had limited parental contact as they were brought up by nurses, governesses and tutors, and later were sent to expensive private schools. The middle class children were sent to local fee paying schools, whereas poor children received very little schooling, or none at all, sinèe they were seen as potential breadwinners. Children of the lower classes formed part of the workforce at an early age. They had to help with menial tasks, as well as earn money. "Little Boy Blue"5}works in the fields keeping an eye on the cattle (unfortunately, he fell asleep and the sheep strayed in the meadow, and the cows were trampling in the corn fields). "Little Bo-peep"54 was a young shepherdess (she too, unfortunately, "lost her sheep"). "Jack and Jill" stumbled while going "up the hm / To fetch a pail of water."55 The position of children in the family structure of these poor people was well defined. As babies, they listened to lullabies which encouraged them to wait patiently for "Father to come home", or rhymes were sung to them, inviting them to dance and clap hands for Father's homecoming with food and money: "Clap hands, clap hands / Till father comes home, / For father's got money, / BQt mother's got none. "56The welfare of the whole family normally depended on the father as breadwinner. Consequently, men had to be kept in good health, had to be well fed, warmly clothed and well shod, and were given the best place in the house. In this following rhyme, it is suggested that the children will have to leave the cosy place by the fire for father: " Warm, hands, warm, / The men are gone to plough, / If you want to warm your hands, / Warm your hands now."57 In this family pattern, the womenfolk also had to work hard, looking after the men and doing the housework. Yet, their main role was to care for the children, bringing them up as best they could. It was usually they who told all these rhymes to the young, imparting the advice and recommendations contained in them. It was sometimes with a tone of sadness and even bitterness on account of their harrowing living conditions. Nursery rhymes were an invaluable educational aid, in an age when books were scarce, teaching counting skills, the alphabet and general useful knowledge in an amusing way. Children of all classes were urged to be worldly wise

19

with the chanting of rhymes that sounded more like popular sayings or proverbs such as : "Scissors and string, scissors and string, / When a man's single he lives like a king. / Needles and pins, needles and pins, / When a

man marries his trouble begins."SI Good manners were insisted upon and
this trend is frequently echoed in nursery rhymes, in an adamant, authoritative tone: "Hold up your head, / Turn out your toes, / Speak when you are spoken to, / Mend your clothes. "SfGood counsel is given, for instance in : "For early to bed, / And early to rise, / Is the way to be

healthy / And wealthy and wise."10
Another function of nursery rhymes is moral instruction: in a previously mentioned nursery rhyme, Tom was severely punished for stealing. Any child was admonished for bad behaviour and disobedience. No child, rich or poor, was allowed to waste food, as is illustrated in "Jack Sprat could eat no fat '1 The moral conveyed was to be content with what one had, and to use up everything, the maxim being "Waste not, want not, pick it up and eat it". In the same vein, children were exhorted to be economical : "See a pin and pick it Up"'l and to follow the conservative theme of getting only what they paid for or deserved. Added to all this moralizing, religious pressure was also exerted over the children by means of short prayers and hymns, printed under the appellation of nursery rhymes. One of the most often recited prayers impressing the need of submission by the children to the power of the Lord Almighty is : "Now I lay me down to sleep / I pray the Lord my soul to keep; / And if I die before I wake, / I pray the Lord my soul to take. "u This rhyme seemed so threatening to the children that they themselves changed it into "And don't let me die before I wake, / I pray the Lord my soul not to take". Along with class consciousness and ethical conduct, the nursery rhymes also exude the xenophobic nationalism of Britain's imperial era, displaying the chauvinistic doctrine of Anglo-Saxon supremacy, not to say the supremacy of the English. Other countries were mocked and debased, France most frequently. In this following lullaby, the aim of which is to obtain peace by intimidation, Bonaparte plays the part of the bogey man: "Baby, baby, naughty baby, / Hush, you squalling thing, I say. / Peace this moment, peace, or maybe / Bonaparte will pass this way. (...)"'4Bonaparte is depicted as a monster who "dines every day on naughty people", who "tears (babies) just as pussy tears a mouse". The last stanza ends on a most terrorising note: "And he'll beat you, beat you, beat you, / And he'll beat you all to pap, / And he'll eat you, eat you, eat you, / Every morsel snap, snap, snap." Within the British Isles, however, the English loved baiting the Welsh, the Scots and the Irish. In "Taffy was a Welshman, Taffy was a thief. / Taffy came to my house and stole a piece of beef"65the Englishman depicts the Welshman not only as a thief, but also as "a sham" and "a cheat", and takes pleasure in telling how he took revenge on this

20

Welshman. Published three times in the eighteenth century, it was first specifically published for children in 1805 under the title Songs Jor the Nursery'6. There is no doubt that this rhyme incited racism, and perpetuated what is nowadays perceived as a xenophobic and vengeful attitude towards the Welsh, but it was commonplace at the time. "Tommy O'Linn is a Scotsman born" is a "song which was composed by a man of the south in derision of the rude habits and scanty clothing of the Celt. "67 First published in 1569, it was reprinted no less than nine times in the nineteenth century in books destined for children. This fact may attest that this xenophobic attitude towards the Scots was well anchored in the nineteenth centUry. The Irish are not spared either. A drunk Irishman is suggested in "This old man, he played one, he played nick nack on my thumb."6I Not surprisingly, a similar xenophobic approach existed in response against the English. The following rhyme was heard in the nursery in the nineteenth century: "Fee, fi, fo, fum / I smell the blood of an Englishman: / Be he alive or be he dead, / l'll grind his bones to make my bread. "69 The first two lines originate from Shakespeare's King LearO and were said by an Englishman, but the other two were subsequently added on. These lines were taken out of context, and reproduced in rhyme, their sole intent i:>eingthe perpetuation of racism. In the same vein, Protestant children were incited to be anti-Catholic, since their own religion prevailed in Britain. "Good morning, Father Francis"71 is a mock confessional in which the Catholic priest asks a woman as penitence to kiss him three times. The Opies give this piece as "one of those levelled at the Roman priesthood which were bandied about in the sixteenth century", and that "Flora Thompson tells in Lark Rise how, even at the end of the nineteenth century, the Oxfordshire village children would chant it when the 'Old Catholics! Old lick the cats! passed by".72 Worse still, is this nursery rhyme which provokes the child to denouncement, and to have an incriminatory attitude towards Mother: "I'll tell my own daddy, when he comes home, / What little good work my mammy has done; / She has earned a penny and spent a groat, / And burnt a hole in the child's new coat". Although first published in 1784, it was also published in the nineteenth century, notably in Songs Jor the Nursery in 1805.73 From the early Victorian era towards the mid-Victorian period, one perceives a gradual progression from crude frightening, threatening images, to gentler, more persuasive tendencies. This can be eXplained by the fact that Britain had been at peace from Waterloo (1815) to the end of the nineteenth century/4 and that it was a most prosperous era. The industrial revolution enriched the country, and was not the primal cause of so much abject poverty; it rather highlighted the social disparities which already existed, and had to be dealt with by means of social reforms. The

21

Victorians of the first half of the century instructed their children to have a deep veneration of law and order, and inculcated them with high moral principles in a dictatorial manner, but also brought up their children to face reality, with no sentimentality. The popular nursery rhymes of the time frequently had death as a subject, such as in "Who killed Cock Robin ?" which focuses on the burial ceremony of this bird, and which was extensively published in the nineteenth century75. Death as a theme was not sheer morbidity, but a necessary lesson in social awareness, since child mortality was high at the time. This following lullaby is most relevant as it tells of the eminent death of a baby, because its mother had gone down the social scale and could not look after it well enough for it to survive: "Bye, o my baby, / When I was a lady, / 0 then my baby didn't cry / But my baby is weeping / For want of good keeping / 0 I fear my poor baby will die. "76 But in the second half of the century, the nursery rhymes displayed rather a nostalgic tone, sustained by the bucolic imagery of most of the rhymes. This fact could be interpreted as a refuge into the past, a form of escapism from the problems and tensions of a complex and growing industrial society. Within the context of the nineteenth century, nursery rhymes could be deemed as a powerful means of manipulation used by Victorian adults deliberately or unconsciously

- to

legitimize

in the eyes of their children

the highly hierarchical and unjust social order of the time. These rigid moralists, whether rich or poor, seemed to be, on the one hand, clinging to their moral values which otten clashed with the great social changes they were experiencing, and on the other hand, trying to adapt them to this newera. Palmerston, Prime Minister from 1859 to 1865, in a speech on foreign policy in 1850, told the House of Commons that: "We have shown the example of a nation in which every class of society accepts with cheerfulness that lot which providence has assigned to it, while at the same time each individual of each class is constantly trying to raise himself in the social scale not by injustices and wrong, not by violence and illegality, but by persevering good conduct and by the steady and energetic exertion of the moral and intellectual faculties with which the Creator has endowed him."77 The utopian view of society contained in this speech fits in with the hypocritical attitude prevailing at the time, for in actual fact, this society was a violent and cut-throat one. The twentieth-century British society has obviously adjusted and progressed: although disparities still exist, it is a more law-abiding society. That nursery rhymes have survived during this technological age may seem surprising, but it is undoubtably the case. Best known London publishers

22

have the inevitable list of nursery rhyme books available in their latest catalogues. At the turn of the twenty-first century, it is evident that censorship of the older rhymes has been essential, in the interests of what is today termed as 'political correctness'. In the older censored nursery rhymes as well as in the new modern ones, however, the insidious messages are still present in a modified form. Repression and the frightening nightmarish elements have been removed, but good honest behaviour is expected as the norm, with a respect for the Queen and country, traditional values and obeyance of the Laws of the Land. New facets of up-to-date behaviour are gently introduced to help children to integrate into Britain's modern multicultural society, for instance/I The child is also encouraged to adopt new concepts such as a certain degree of autonomy from a younger age, and that self assertion is not necessarily reprehensible, punishable behaviour. Subtle notes have crept in, suggesting that insurgency against unfair treatment is permissible, if not a duty. On the other hand, class consciousness remains: a child still senses his position on the social scale. Today, although working-class children have less access to nursery rhymes, except in pre-school groups, middle-class parents still make full use of them, and the aristocratic families hire nannies who are specially trained in the art of telling and acting out nursery rhymes.79

23

NOTES

1. The Oxford Dictionary of Nursery Rhymes by lona and Peter Opie (Oxford: OUP, 1951) has been most useful in tracing the origins of these rhymes. Their research is indeed thoroughly meticulous, but only oriented on facts. Their point of view on the educational role of these rhymes remains literary. They never consider their social impact.

2. Opie, OxfordDictionary, 269.
3. James Orchard Halliwell, The Nursery Rhymes ofEngland, 1843, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 201. The first references given to these rhymes do not necessarily mean that they date back to that period since they belong to oral tradition, but indicate the dates of first publication

known up to nowadays.
4. Songs for the Nursery, 1805, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 357.

.

5. Tommy Thumb's Pretty Song Book, (M. Cooper), vol. ii, c. 1744, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 395.
6. The following verses are: "He stole three pecks of barley-meal / To make a bag-pudding." The earliest version features, instead of King Anhur, King Stephen who was indeed viewed as a "stealer" of the throne. First publication: Gammer GuYton 's Garland or The Nursery Parnassus (R. Christopher), c. 1799, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 56-57.

7. Ibid, 57.
8. Queen Victoria 9. GG's Garland, reigned from 1837 to 1901. 1784, in Opie, OxfordDictionary, 435. 354.

10. Original Ditties for the Nursery, c. 1805, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 11. Newest Christmas Box, 1797, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary,
12. Ibid, 394.

410.

13. TheJovia[ Companions, 14. David Thomson, 15. First publication:

1709, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, in the Nineteenth

68. Books, (1950) 1983),17.

England

Century (penguin 442. 62.

1892, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary,

16. Songs for the Nursery, 17. GGs Garland,

1805, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 67.

1784, in Opie, OxfordDictionary,

18. Songs for the Nursery, 19. Archaeologia 20. Thomson, 21. Ibid, 21.

1805, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, William

333. 283.

Cornu-Britannica, 23.

Pryce, 1790, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary,

24

22. Iona and Peter Opie, 23. TThumb's

The Oxford Nursery Rhyme Book, (Oxford: 88.

OUP,

(1955) 1992),88-89.

PSB, c. 1744, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 1784, in Opie, OxfordDictionary, 63.

24. GG's Garland, 25. Thomson, 26. Ibid., 17. 27. Ibid., 18. 28. ].0. Halliwell, 17.

1844, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, (Henry Mozley

416. 143.

29. PoeticalAlphabet 30. Ballad:

and Sons), c. 1825, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 296.

Le Prince d'Amour,

1660, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 270. 168.

31. J.O. Halliwell, 32. J.O. Halliwell,

1844, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 1846, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary,

33. For further reading see Thomson, 53-54 and Asa Briggs, A Social History of England (London: BCA, 1994),222.
34. Mother Goose 's Melody, c. 1765/].0. 35. Opie, Oxford Book, 7. Halliwell, 1842, in Opie, OxfordDictionary, 293.

36. Original Ditties for the Nursery a. Harris), c. 1805 (1807), in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 162.
37. GG's Garland, 38.].0. Halliwell, 1784/ J.O. Halliwell, 1842, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 159-161. 297-298.

1842, in Opie, OxfordDictionary, 298. Carey,

39. Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 40. Namby Pamby, Henry 41. ].0. Halliwell,

1725, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 405. 417.

195.

1849, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary,

42. TThumb's

PSB, c. 1744, in Opie, OxfordDictionary,

43. Opie, Oxford Book, 129. 44. GG's Garland, 1784, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 153.

45. The Comic Adventures, a. Harris), in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 317-321. 46. Ian Bradley, Abide With Me, The World of Victorian Hymns (London:
1997),124, 135.

SCM Press,

47. Opie,Oxford

Book, 16.

25

48. This rhyme is derived from oral tradition and does not feature in the works consulted. However, it was handed down to me by my great-grandmother (who was British and was born in the 1880s) and who remembered it from her childhood.
49. GG 's Garland, 50. Thomson, 135. 1830, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 299-300. 1784, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 270-276.

51. Juvenile Miscellany, 52. GG s Garland,

1784, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary,

378-379. 98-99.

53. Fr Thumb's LSB, c. 1760, in Opie, OxfordDictionary, 54. F. Douce, c. 1805, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 93-94.

55. MG 's Melody, c. 1765, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 56. J.O. Halliwell, 57. J.O. Halliwell, 1846, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 1853, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary,

224-226. 196-197. 197.

58. Opie, Oxford Book, 116. 59. Ibid., 115. 60. Ibid., 114. 61. Paroemiologia Anglo-Latina, John Clarke, 1639, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, : Pryor, 238. (1977) 1998),

62. Jean Harrowven, 122.

Origins of Rhymes,

Songs and Sayings (Whitsable

63. New-England Primer Oxford Dictionary, 221.

(T. Fleet,

Boston),

1737, first British

appearance:

1781, in Opie,

64. Notes and Queeries, 1877, but heard before 1836, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 65. Nancy Cock 's PSB, c. 1780, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 66. Ibid., 401. 67. Ibid., 414. 68. Not to be found in works consulted. 69. Opie, Oxford Book, 83. 70. "Fie, foh, and fum, I smell the blood of a British man", Shakespeare, 400-401.

59.

This line is said at the very end of Act m, iv . when the play is about to reach its climax - by Edgar, the "good" son of the Earl of Gloster, announcing the entrance of Edmund, the "evil" son of the Earl of Gloster. 71. J.O. Halliwell, 1842, in Opie, Oxford Dictionary, 166-167.
72. Ibid., 166.

King Lear,

m, iv.

26

73. GG's Garland,1784, 74. Except for conflicts 75. TThumb'sPSB, 76. GG's Garland, 77. Asa BRIGGS,

in Opie, OxfordDictionary, abroad, such as the Crimean

141. war (1854-56). 130-133. 59.

c. 1744, in Opie, OxfordDictionary, 1784, in Opie, OxfordDictionary, 253.

78. See content of rhymes and accompanying illustrations in Sarah Hayes and Toni Gaffe, Stamp Your Feet,Action Rhymes (London: Walker Books Ltd, 1988). 79. A television report on Norland College, England, shows young women being trained to become nannies for aristocratic children. Learning nursery rhymes is part of their training: they have to know at least 25 of them. .Top Nannies., Géraldine Levasseur and Stéphane Guffroy, television report broadcasted in Zone Interdite, channel M6, on 7 March, 1999.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BRADLEY, BRIGGS,

lan, A bide WithMe,

The World ofVictorian London:

Hymns. BCA, 1994.

London:

SCM Press, 1997.

Asa, A Social History of England. Jean, Origins ofRhymes,

HARROWVEN,

Songs and Sayings. Whitsable

: Pryor,

(1977) 1998. Walker Books

HAYES, Sarah and GOFFE, Ltd, 1988.

Toni, Stamp Your Feet, Action Rhymes. London:

OPIE, lona and Peter, The Oxford Dictionary Press, 1951.

of Nursery Rhymes.

Oxford:

Oxford

University

OPIE, lona and Peter, The Oxford Nursery Rhyme Book. Oxford: (1955) 1992. SHAKESPEARE, William, "King Lear" in The Complete London: Spring Books, (1958) 1967. THOMSON, David, England in the Nineteenth

Oxford

University

Press,

Works of William

Shakespeare,

Century. Penguin

Books, (1950), 1983.

Television report: LEVASSEUR, Géraldine and GUFFROY, Zone Interdite, broadcasted on channel M6, 7 March, 1999.

Stéphane, "Top Nannies" in

27

ORDRE ET DÉSORDRE: LE PARADOXE DU BAL MASQUÉ DANS LES ROMANS DE SAMUEL RICHARDSON (1689-1761)
Hélène DACHEZ A.T.E.R - Université de Cergy-Pontoise

Au même titre que l'opéra.le bal masqué constitue l'un des divertissements les plus courants de la société anglaise du XVIIIèmesiècle. La littérature de l'époque se fait l'écho de cette pratique. et rares sont les écrivains qui ne présentent pas une scène de bal. simple description sans véritable incidence sur l'intrigue, ou épisode capital de l'oeuvre. Les auteurs de périodiques et les romanciers du siècle critiquent régulièrement le thème, qu'ils associent au désordre. idée que semble reprendre Richardson dans ses romans. Dans la conception traditionnelle du bal masqué prévaut la notion de désordre. Le motif est l'héritier direct du carnaval et des Saturnales, qui reposaient sur un renversement des valeurs et des usages de la société. D'après l'auteur de The Weekly Journal. "those Mid-night Revels... resemble the Bacchanalian Rites of the Ancients."1 Ces réjouissances fonctionnaient sur un principe de désordre absolu. car les participants étaient libres de faire ce qu'ils voulaient. Lors des Saturnales. fêtées le 16 des calendes de janvier, l'ordre de la société était inversé. Les maîtres. par exemple, servaient leurs esclaves. Mikhaïl Bakhtine définit ces célébrations comme "une parodie de la vie ordinaire un 'monde à l'envers'" (Bakhtine, 1970).2 Selon Terry Castle, "the masquerade projected an anti-nature. a world upside-down, an intoxicating reversal of ordinary sexual. social and metaphysical hierarchies" (Castle, 1986).J TI s'y accomplit "the estrangement of the familiar" et "the familiarization of the strange" (Castle, 1986).4 Le renversement s'explique par le rôle que joue le déguisement, dont l'un des buts est de tromper autrui sur l'identité du porteur et de bouleverser les certitudes que l'on peut avoir (et donner) de celle-ci. Terry Castle relève trois types de costumes. qui suscitent le désordre de manière différente. Le 'domino' consiste en une cape et en un capuchon. TI envoie un message vide, car l'observateur devine mall'identité et le sexe de la personne qu'il habille. Par le 'fancy-dress', le porteur change d'identité, tout en continuant d'appartenir à "a general class of being" et donne un message partiel. Le 'character dress' envoie pour sa part des signes faux et redouble l'illusion en transformant la personne en personnage historique. allégorique ou de fiction (Castle, 1986).5 Dans ses romans. Richardson dresse la liste des costumes que ses héroïnes rencontrent (et revêtent) au bal. Dans Pamela II. le deuxième type 28

prédomine. La jeune fille parle de "several Domino's,... a Dutch Skipper, a Jewish Rabbi, a Greek Monk, a Turkish Bashaw, and Capuchin Friar."' Au contraire, Harriet Byron, déguisée en princesse arcadienne dans SCG, se dit désorientée de voir le grand nombre d'invités vêtus du "character dress", parmi lesquels elle relève" a croud of Satyrs, Harlequins, Scaramouches, Fauns and Dryads,... Witches and Devils. "7 Le dernier roman met en relief la confusion créée par le mélange de la fiction et du réel. Le trouble engendré par le costume tient aussi à l'ambiguïté rendue possible par le port du masque. Les écrivains du xvmème siècle sont unanimes à critiquer l'utilisation de ce qui camoufle. Smollett, pour citer un exemple parmi de très nombreux, blâme l'usage du maquillage auquel les Françaises ont recours: "the manner in which the faces of the ladies are primed and painted [is]... the farthest verge of folly and extravagance" (Smollett, 1766).8Si les propos sont véhéments à l'encontre du maquillage, sous lequel les traits du visage restent reconnaissables, l'on comprend vite que le port du masque, lors du bal, soit d'ordinaire critiqué. Facteur de désordre, l'instrument repose lui-même sur l'ambiguïté. Tout comme le vêtement de Harriet Byron, dans SCG, sert à la cacher, mais aussi à mettre en valeur ses formes féminines ("my shape is also said to be consulted in this dress. A kind of waiscoat... is made to fit close to my waist"),' Ie masque aussi dissimule, tout en invitant à la découverte. Ne pas voir augmente le désir, à en croire Pinchwife, dans The Country- Wijè, de Wycherley, puisque "a woman mask'd, like a cover'd dish, gives a man curiosity and appetite; when, it may be, uncover'd, 'twoud turn his stomach" (Wycherley, 1675).10 En outre, les perturbations dues au port du déguisement et du masque concernent le porteur de ceux-ci autant que l'observateur. Pierre Fauchery note le succès que connaît la jeune fille dans la salle du bal et souligne "l'ambivalence du sacre et du danger", car "le masque, s'il facilite les approches du roué, ôte à la victime la possibilité d'être reconnue par tels personnages bienveillants et efficacement 'protégée'" (Fauchery, 1972).11 Cette situation mène à une perte des repères collectifs et individuels, conception traditionnelle que partage Richardson.
Nombreux sont en effet les écrivains et les auteurs de périodiques - miroirs de l'opinion publique anglaise qu'ils contribuent à influencer - qui

reprochent au bal son origine étrangère (française, italienne et espagnole). L'influence italienne est visible dans le costume d'Arlequin (que Sir Hargrave, dans SCG, choisit) et de Polichinelle, ou dans celui de prêtres et de nonnes, emprunts à la Parodia Sacra des carnavals catholiques du pays. Dans Pamela II, la comtesse tentatrice, italienne, est déguisée en nonne. C'est pendant leur Grand Tour que les jeunes gens rencontrent ce

29

divertissement qu'ils aiment retrouver une fois rentrés chez eux. Morden, cousin de Clarissa, déplore l'effet désastreux de cette pratique sur les voyageurs: "you find the difference on their return: foreign fashion, foreign vices, and foreign diseases... complete the man."U Les critiques sont aussi morales. Comme le note Serge Soupel, "médiocrement réglés et mal fréquentés, les bals masqués perdent leur valeur de spectacle pour devenir une antichambre du vice" (Soupel, 1983).13 Chez Richardson, la dénonciation de la licence sexuelle appara1t par la répétition marquée des termes "free", "freedom" et "bold", "boldness" lors du bal de Pamela Il.I. Il n'est pas fortuit que la scène se passe à Londres. Terry Castle note la conception répandue qui associe vice, débauche, bal masqué et la capitale anglaise, et elle ajoute: "Richardson's representation of London as a protean scene of chaos reflects an eighteenth-century common place," idée qui demandera néanmoins à être nuancée (Castle, 1986).uD'un côté, Londres ("this wicked town"" selon Clarissa) et ses bals masqués sont, chez Richardson, l'objet de critiques. Harriet Byron, soulagée, écrit: "my heart is not corrupted by the vanities of the great town."17 Cette transgression est accompagnée de la disparition des repères hiérarchiques, puisque tout le monde est alors mis sur le même pied d'égalité, comme au carnaval. Selon MikhaIl Bakhtine, "toutes les couches sociales, tous les âges sont égaux" (Bakhtine, 1970).11L'ordre bien établi de la société est remplacé par le désordre et par l'anarchie. Richardson, dans Pamela Il, fait se mêler princes, mandarins, pilotes de bateaux et capucins, la parataxe renforçant le nivellement." Ce bouleversement se voit redoublé par une désorientation des repères chez l'individu. L'analyse du temps et de l'espace illustre cette idée. Le bal masqué, de fait, est l'endroit du temps renversé, car la nuit y devient le jour. Dans Humphry Clinker, de Smollett, l'héroIne Lydia s'émerveille à la vue de Vauxhall : "the whole illuminated with an infinite number of lamps, disposed in different figures of sun, stars, and constellations" (Smollett, 1771).10Les cycles diurne et nocturne se remplacent et vont même jusqu'à coïncider. Richardson, dans SCC, transpose ce désordre à l'intérieur de son personnage. Harriet, remarquable par sa discrétion, se voit affublée d'un costume qu'elle juge trop brillant et donc en opposition avec sa personnalité réservée. Elle condamne le clinquant de sa toilette: "I by no means like [my disguise]... because of its gaudiness", réprouve sa cape "glittering with spangles" et sa robe "set off with... spangles, which make a mighty glitter. "21 Le clinquant est à bannir, chez le protestant Richardson, comme le révèle de façon métaphorique l'une des devises de Clarissa:
"rather useful than glaring. "22

30

La désorientation spatiale complète la perturbation temporelle. Le corps, soumis au désordre, devient polymorphe. Selon Terry Castle, le divertissement présente "an anti-world of protean, oleaginous, constantly changing shapes" (Castle, 1986).23L'organisme des participants perd son unité et sa cohérence pour se morceler, se multiplier et se disperser. Richardson insiste sur la fragmentation corporelle en montrant comment la comtesse italienne apparaît soudain, disparaît aussi vite sans prévenir et continue ses allées et venues: "the Nun... joined us", "she gave him a signal to follow her", "the Nun whisked to us", dit Pamela.2. D'après Mikhaïl Bakhtine, en effet, "l'individu se sent partie indissoluble de la collectivité, membre du grand corps populaire. Dans ce tout, le corps individuel cesse... d'~tre lui-même" (Bakhtine, 1970).25 Le trouble de l'ancrage temporel et spatial conduit au chaos. Cette notion est soutenue par Claude Lévi-Strauss, qui montre la conjonction entre un temps ordonné, un espace défini et l'établissement de repères fixes. Dans ce "système mythico-géographique", il relève une "correspondance entre l'individuation géographique et l'individuation biologique." Temps, espace, individu et société dépendent les uns des autres, car il existe une "réciprocité de perspectives où l'homme et le monde se font miroir l'un à l'autre" (Lévi.Strauss, 1962).26Si cet ancrage disparaît, l'homme se trouve plongé dans le chaos. Le langage participe à et de cette désorientation. Le bal masqué, dans la tradition et chez Richardson, place côte-à-côte diverses langues, si bien que certains des personnages parlent un idiome qui ne correspond ni à leur essence, ni à leur apparence. Dans Pamela II, Mr. B., Anglais, porte le costume d'un don espagnol et échange des paroles en italien avec la comtesse; un cardinal aborde l'héroïne éponyme en français; elle lui répond en anglais et souligne ce mélange de langues et leur disjonction avec les vêtements portés: "[Mr. B.] was engaged in French with a lady who had the dress of an Indian Princess, and the mask of an Ethiopian, his fair Nun
said, in broken Spanish

... [he]

replied in Italian."2T De m~me que Ie corps

est polymorphe et fragmenté, le discours repose sur la rupture. L'écriture est stichomythique, comme au théâtre. Les propos échangés lors de la f~te, rapides, ressemblent à des épigrammes, dans des batailles verbales ("skirmishes") dont le but est de troubler l'esprit de l'interlocuteur. Le dialogue suivant est extrait du deuxième roman: "an egregious beauish appearance came up to Miss, and said, 'you hang out a very pretty sign, Widow.'/'Not', replied she, 'to invite such fops as you to my shop'j'Any customer would be welcome', he returned, 'in my opinion. I whisper this as a secret'j'And I whisper another... that no place warrants ill
manners. '" 28

31

Cette rupture au coeur du langage s'accompagne d'une aliénation de soi. L'individu devient l'antithèse de lui-même (et pas seulement autre). On a vu combien le vêtement de Harriet correspondait peu à sa personnalité retenue. Polly Darnford, jeune fille, porte quant à elle un costume de veuve. L'auteur de The Universal Spectator du 5 avril 1729 reprend les propos d'une femme rencontrée au bal qui lui dévoile l'identité réelle (et antithétique) des participants: "the running Footman... is a Lord", "that Bishop is an Atheist", "she who is the richest dress'd... pawned her Watch last Night to purchase a Ticket, and hire Clothes. " Le degré ultime de l'aliénation corporelle de soi et de l'antithèse est présent dans le personnage du travesti, capital lors des bals, figure que Richardson reprend, tout en la transposant. The Universal Spectator du 14 décembre 1728 dénonce le désordre lié à la confusion des sexes: "in every Country, Decency requires that the Sexes should be differenc'd by Dress, in order to prevent Multitudes of Irregularities, which otherwise would continually be occasion'd." Fielding blâme cette pratique dans The Female Husband, où l'héroïne se déguise en homme pour satisfaire des désirs sexuels pervers (Fielding, 1746). Si Richardson, ici, reprend la vision courante et critique du motif comme lieu de désordre, à d'autres égards, il joue avec la tradition, car, bien que le thème du bal soit l'un des lieux communs du xvmème siècle, l'auteur lui réserve une place réduite ou le traite d'une manière telle que les désordres sont contenus ou maîtrisés. Le bal masqué, en tant que tel, est absent de Pamela et peu présent dans Clarissa, où il est dit en passant que Sally Martin succombe à Lovelace après deux fêtes.29Le r8le du divertissemnt dans la corruption est mentionné sans être développé. Dans SCG aussi, l'histoire de Lorimer, pendant son Grand Tour, n'occupe que très peu de place et s'apparente à un exemplum, vignette dont la fonction principale est de souligner le contraste entre le débauché et la conduite irréprochable du héros. Les frasques de Lorimer, son escapade au Carnaval de Venise malgré l'interdiction du docteur Bartlett et sa fin malheureuse (suivant le principe de la "poetic justice") sont résumées en quelques lignes.Jo Le texte circonscrit le désordre engendré par le bal masqué. De plus, le motif est lié au mutisme des héroïnes. Harriet Byron est réticente, après un résumé succinct de ses mésaventures: "and so much, my Lucy, for masquerades, and masquerade-dresses, for ever !"JI Le bal en luimême (sans parler de ses conséquences) est maintenu dans le cadre du premier volume du roman. Pamela aussi coupe court à tout développement et dit à Lady Davers : "I mayas well be excused saying anything further on

a subject l am so little pleased with. "J2 Le bal ne déborde pas d'un cadre
bien défini par le romancier, procédé qui permet à ce dernier, en quelque

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sorte, de se débarrasser très vite de la vision traditionnelle (et rebattue) de ce thème. En outre, Richardson limite les désordres en présentant une conception de plus en plus morale. Le bal masqué revient plusieurs fois dans les deuxième et quatrième romans. La réécriture, ordonnante, nie toujours davantage le désordre, renforçant ainsi le jeu de l'écrivain avec la tradition. Dans SCG, la première narration de l'épisode souligne la confusion, puisque l'héroïne a disparu, enlevée par on ne sait qui. La deuxième occurrence est déjà plus ordonnée. Mr. Reeves relate que Harriet est saine et sauve chez les Grandison, et laisse la parole à Sir Charles, qui raconte le sauvetage.)) La dernière mention prend la forme d'une discussion générale, qui résume les diverses transgressions rencontrées lors des bals masqués: "the wild, the senseless confusion", "the current wit of that witless place", "the place is one great Bedlam", pour insister sur la portée morale et sur l'effet ordonnateur de l'aventùre de l'héroïne.34 Comme Ie note Lady L., "our Harriet's distress has led me into reflections l never made before on this kind of diversion."35 Les troubles dus au bal sont de plus en plus mis à distance et débarrassés de leur potentiel tragique. En outre, le discours que Richardson tient sur Londres augmente le paradoxe. S'il reprend la conception habituelle de la capitale comme lieu de perdition et de mascarade généralisée, le romancier, par un renversement original et subtil, montre aussi que la ville doit être considérée comme un lieu de régénération. Serge Soupel analyse la "fonction salvatrice" de l'endroit, refuge plus que menacé aux yeux de Clarissa, où elle envisage de pouvoir échapper à son bourreau (Soupel, 1985).)6La capitale, par la suite, est interdite à Lovelace, qui n'y pénètre plus. Serge Soupel conclut: "et c'est Londres qui parle à Dieu par ses églises, Londres qui se purifie avec l'héroïne en excluant les êtres indignes et ceux qui sont trop délicats, Londres qui se purge après la mort de Clarissa avec celle de la Sinclair" (Soupel, 1985).)7 Lors de ces scènes de désordre limité, le rôle du lecteur (extradiégétique) renforce le jeu du romancier avec la tradition. Dans Pamela II, les personnages et le lecteur sont toujours conscients de qui se cache sous les déguisements. Le bal masqué, ici, repose certes sur la mystification, mais ni Pamela, ni le lecteur ne perdent de vue Mr. B. ou la comtesse italienne. De plus, ces deux personnages se démasquent très vite pour apprendre qui ils sont respectivement.)1 TI en va autrement dans Amelia, de Fielding, où le lecteur est surpris par l'issue du divertissement. TI faut qu'il soit bien perspicace pour deviner que c'est Mrs. Atkinson qui s'est rendue à la fête et non l'héroïne, d'autant plus que Fielding ne donne aucun indice qui permettrait de soupçonner le subterfuge, même s'il prend soin de préciser

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que les deux femmes sont de la même taille et ont une voix semblable (Fielding, 1751).19Dans ce roman, le déguisement prolongé et le jeu des pronoms personnels conduisent à un vertige de la lecture (Fielding, 1751).40 La suspension de jugement du personnage engendre un phénomène identique chez le lecteur. Rien de tel ne se produit chez Richardson, qui, par un discours original et paradoxal pour l'époque, nie la confusion. Chez l'auteur, en effet, le bal constitue un exutoire, gr£ce auquel l'ordre est rétabli, ce qui l'apparente au carnaval, dont l'une des fonctions est de purger les troubles. Tout en bafouant les valeurs stables, il remplit le r&le de "soupapes de sécurité" (Caillois, 1958).41L'ordre disparaît un moment pour revenir revivifié et pour permettre aux forces du cosmos de refaire surface après avoir été éclipsées par le chaos (Caillois, 1958).42La fonction cathartique est visible dans Pamela Il, où la scène de mystification est ensemble le prélude et la condition de l'aveu que Mr. B. fait à son épouse. Le personnage raconte sa conduite envers la comtesse et reconnait ses fautes. Tout dépend de sa réponse ambiguë à la demande de l'Italienne lors du bal, qui souhaite savoir s'il est marié ou non.O Il énonce son désir de ne rien cacher à sa femme et le texte devient transparent, d'autant plus que la comtesse en personne confirme par la suite les dires de Mr. B.44En ce sens, l'épisode de débauche Qimitée, car Mr. B. dit ne pas avoir succombé à la tentation) permet l'émergence d'un nouvel ordre. Gclce à l'aveu général qui en est la conséquence directe, Pamela réussit à retrouver son mari pour de bon et à vaincre sa jalousie. "I think l have received no small good myself by that affair... for l don't believe l shall be ever jealous again... . And won't that be an ugly foible overcome ?" écrit-elle à sa belle-soeur.45A la fin de son parcours, gr£ce au désordre ordonnateur du bal, Pamela peut enfin jouir de l'ordre et de la vérité. Chez Richardson, alors, l'ordre se trouve dans et par le bal masqué. En fait, si le romancier met de l'ordre à la place du désordre traditionnel, il introduit en revanche le désordre où l'ordre prévaut d'ordinaire (forme esthétique métaphorique de "estrangement of the familiar" et de "familiarization of the strange" [Castle, 1986]).'" Richardson, à l'instar de ceux qui se déguisent, procède par antithèse, et son écriture est, en ce sens, un bal masqué. Dans la tradition, le personnage du travesti est l'une des figures majeures de la fête, on l'a signalé. Or il est absent des bals dans les romans de Richardson. En revanche, on le trouve intégré dans le texte et doté d'une fonction originale dans leur économie. Une scène de Pamela est éclairante, où Mr. B. se déguise en Nan, la servante au nom palindrome, pour attenter à la vertu de l'héroïneY Mr. B. travestit non seulement son sexe, mais aussi son rang social. De façon ironique, le texte insiste ensemble sur le déshabillage et sur le déguisement. Pamela et Mrs. Jewkes se mettent au lit

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après avoir ôté leurs habits, et la vérité est donnée, paradoxalement, entre parenthèses. "We locked both doors, and saw poor Nan, as I thought (but, oh, it was my abominable master, as you shall hear by-and-by) sitting fast asleep", écrit la jeune fille, avant d'ajouter, toujours entre parenthèses: "the pretended Nan (0 wicked, base, villainous designer! what an unexpected plot was this !) seemed to be awaking."41 Les sexes sont d'abord confondus, Mr. B. et Mrs. Jewkes commençant par agir de concert. La phrase "the guilty wretch took my left arm" peut s'appliquer aussi bien au libertin qu'à la gouvernante, que Pamela a traitée quelques lignes plus haut de "wicked wretch. "49Les actions sont identiques: "the guilty wretch took my left arm,... and the vile procures held my right" et "she was sitting on one side of the bed... : and he on the other", les deux points renforçant Ie rapprochement des personnages et la structure en miroir.50 Le travestisme dô au déguisement est accentué par les réactions des participants. Mr. B. entre dans le rôle qu'il s'est choisi au point d'hésiter à profiter de Pamela, quand il la voit évanouie. La jeune fille insiste sur la passivité de son bourreau, ainsi que sur son manque de fermeté, qui conduisent Mr. B. à renoncer à l'entreprise. L'homme déguisé en femme réagit avec douceur et semble se laisser influencer par son costume. Mrs. Jewkes apparaît au contraire dotée de la dureté qui fait défaut à son maître. C'est elle qui lui ordonne: "what you do, Sir, do : don't stand dilly dallying. "51Elle devient homme, sans toutefois porter les vêtements de ce sexe. L'expression qu'elle emploie renforce sa masculinité. Elle contient l'anagramme "dildo", instrument capable de donner aux femmes la virilité qui leur manque. D'ailleurs, Pamela, dès le début de sa lettre, signale que la gouvernante joue "[an] unwomanly part."52 On en arrive alors à un vertige des sexes, déguisements et réactions des personnages se mêlant et s'opposant à leur essence. Tassie Gwilliam souligne la confusion. La scène montre "three people [in bed], but they may be either three women; one man and two women; one man, one hermaphrodite and one woman j or two hermaphrodites and one woman" (Gwilliam, 1991).53Le choix des combinaisons est vaste. Il est d'ailleurs révélateur qu'à la fin de l'épisode, ce soit Mr. B. qui reste aux côtés de Pamela pour la réconforter et Mrs. Jewkes qui soit congédiée, comme si c'était elle qui s'était livrée à l'attaque. "Since I found [her]... so offensive to you, I have sent her to the maid's bed", dit Mr. B.54Ici, Richardson déplace le travestissement (qui n'apparaît pas lors d'un bal) pour favoriser la dynamique narrative. L'indulgence féminine dont Mr. B. fait preuve justifie, tout en la préparant, l'union entre le libertin (une fois réformé) et l'héroïne. Ce travestissement se retrouve dans Clarissa. La fermeté de la jeune fille l'apparente à un personnage masculin. Lorsqu'elle refuse avec obstination

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