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Migrations internationales, mobilités et développement

318 pages
La mondialisation des migrations induit trois phénomènes principaux : le passage du retour définitif au retour alterné, le développement des diasporas et des réseaux communautaires et une circulation accrue des individus. Comprendre et mesurer la réalité de la circulation migratoire, ses incidences sur le développement des zones d'origine nous a conduit à délimiter des espaces et des filières représentatifs : les migrations chinoise, ouest-africaine et mexicaine. La diversité des cas envisagés permettra d'expérimenter l'efficience du concept de circulation migratoire pour l'analyse du développement des zones d'émigration des pays du Sud.
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Migrations internationales, mobilités et développement

Sous la direction de

Éric GUERASSIMOFF

Migrations

internationales,

mobilités et développement

Ouvrage publié avec le concoursdu CNR.S.

L'Harmattan 5-7, rue de l'École-Polytechnique 75005 Paris FRANCE

L'Harmattan

Hongrie

Konyvesbolt Kossuth L. u. 14-16 1053 Budapest

L'Harmattan Italia Via Oegli Artisti, 15 10J24 Torino ITALlE

@ L'Harmattan, 2004 ISBN: 2-7475-7687-6 EAN : 9782747576871

PRÉSENTATION

Cet ouvrage est le fruit d'une journée d'étude internationale intitulée «Migrations internationales, mobilités et développement au Sud» organisée le 24 septembre 2002 par le laboratoire Sociétés en Développement dans l'Espace et le Temps (SEDET - CNRSlUniversité Paris 7). Cette manifestation tentait un premier bilan des recherches entreprises dans le cadre du programme APN «Circulations migratoires et développement au Sud ». Ces diverses contributions entendent rendre compte de l'ambition première qui a animé l'équipe constituée autour de ce projet: orienter la réflexion sur les implications, plus ou moins inédites, du processus que l'on appelle la mondialisation, sur les pratiques de mobilité et les migrations internationales dans les sociétés en développement. Circulation et mobilité dans la migration internationale L'expression circulation migratoire apparaît dans les années 1980 en France pour décrire des phénomènes de mobilité internationale qui se sont complexifiés. En 1997, des chercheurs de Migrinter, sous la direction d'Emmanuel Ma Mung I publiaient
I Emmanuel Ma Mung (dir.), La circulation migratoire, Rapport pour la Direction de la Population et des Migrations, Ministère de l'Emploi et de

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une étude sur le « concept et la pratique effective de la circulation migratoire ». Le concept s'inscrit alors dans la continuité des notions de champ et d'espace migratoire mises au point par

certains chercheurs 2 pour dépasser la dichotomie existant dans
les recherches sur les migrations internationales entre les travaux portant sur les sociétés d'installation organisées autour de problématiques de l'intégration et ceux s'intéressant aux pays d'origine, centrés sur la question du développement. Les chercheurs en France, comme dans les pays anglosaxons, observent un phénomène a priori paradoxal: la sédentarisation des populations immigrées s'accompagne de la construction de réseaux économiques et sociaux, parfois très denses, porteurs de nouvelles mobilités humaines. Le recadrage de la problématique migratoire et la modification de ses objets s'inscrivent finalement dans le déplacement d'une analyse en terme d'immobilité (l'intégration) vers une analyse de la constitution d'un savoir-faire migratoire et la construction de réseaux transnationaux producteurs de richesses économiques. La nécessité de répondre à des situations de crise, de s'adapter à des conditions d'entrée, de séjour ou d'accès au marché du travail
la Solidarité, ADRI, Paris, décembre 1997, et une mise au point récente concernant la genèse de la notion de circulations migratoires, présentée lors du colloque « Les circulations migratoires; nouveaux courants, nouveaux enjeux? », DRESS (MiRe) & DPM, Paris, 14 juin 2004 (avec M.A. Hily). Cf également le repérage tenté par Jacqueline Costa-Lascoux et Patrick du Cheyron, « Quand la recherche française investit les circulations migratoires », Revue française des affaires sociales, n02, avril-juin 2004, pp. 183-205. La notion de « champ migratoire» est défmie, par exemple, par Gildas Simon, comme une aire d'extension des migrations d'une population donnée, à l'image d'un champ magnétique, un espace dans lequel ladite population construit un ou des réseaux de relations. Simon, G., L'espace des travailleurs tunisiens en France (Structures et fonctionnement d'un champ migratoire international), Thèse d'État de géographie, Université de Poitiers, 2 vol., 1978,657 p. dactyl.

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très fluctuantes conduit à multiplier les formes de déplacement. Cette multiplication se manifeste par une intensification des circulations et échanges entre les pôles des espaces de déplacement. Aussi la mobilisation du concept de circulation migratoire s'inscrit-elle d'emblée dans une problématique où les notions de filières, de chaînes migratoires trouvent une efficacité particulière. La recherche anglo-saxonne, pionnière dans ce domaine, désigne par l'expression circulatory migration, la migration circulaire dans laquelle le migrant se déplace en revenant toujours à son lieu de résidence originelle 3: elle positionne l'analyse par rapport à l'espace d'origine. M. Poinard 4 mettra en évidence, à propos de l'émigration portugaise, que la constitution d'un champ social international sollicite des relations préférentielles, des filières, des comportements socioculturels et des intérêts économiques. Thomas Faist 5 souligne aussi le fait que certaines formes de circulation migratoire peuvent déboucher sur la mise en place d'une chaîne migratoire qui se renforce avec la durée de la migration. Avec la circulation migratoire, définie comme la somme des mobilités découlant de la présence à l'étranger d'une population émigrée installée, l'objectif est alors de proposer une approche globale des migrations, qui rassemble des éléments «immobiles» et des composantes mobiles qui n'ont pas voca3 Dennis D. Cordell, Hoe and wage: a social history of a circular migration system in West Africa, 1900-1975, Boulder, Co.: Westview Press, 1996,384 p. (with Joel W. Gregory and Victor Piché). 4 Michel Poinard, Les Portugais dans l'émigration: une géo~aphie de l'absence. Toulouse-Le Mirai!, Thèse pour le Doctorat d'Etat, 1991, 2 vol., 803 p. dactyl. 5 Thomas Faist, «The crucial meso-level », in Thomas Hammar (ed), International Migration, Immobility and Development. Multidisciplinary perspectives, Oxford, New York, 1997, pp.187-217.

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tion à l'installation. La notion pennet de prendre en compte tout à la fois l'ensemble des espaces concernés par les migrations, les déplacements des personnes entre lieux d'origine et d'arrivée, l'ensemble des flux matériels (biens, services, remises) et immatériels (nonnes, valeurs, représentations) induits par ces mobilités. En partant des aires de départs, nous tenterons d'appréhender et d'analyser les modalités de circulation migratoire chinoise, ouest-africaine et mexicaine, et d'en étudier les conséquences en tennes de retombées économiques, sociales, culturelles, voire politiques, sur ces espaces. Il s'agit de faire particulièrement référence à la mobilité physique des migrants, avec leur itinéraire, leur moyen de transport et la pratique effective et affective de l'espace parcouru. Notre projet s'inscrit donc dans un paradigme «mobilitaire» et privilégie les notions de réseaux, de filières, de diaspora et d'espaces transnationaux.

Mobilités et développement des zones d'origine Jusqu'à la fin des années 1980, la problématique des migrations internationales et du développement au Sud a été abordée par les chercheurs et les politiques sous deux éclairages fondamentaux et distincts. Les migrations internationales étaient analysées presque exclusivement en tennes d'émigration, voire d'émigration définitive. Il s'agissait d'évaluer l'impact des départs de main d' œuvre et, inversement, des retours sous fonne de remises. La migration devait, peu ou prou, être une solution au sous-développement. La plupart des rapports sur la question étaient pessimistes quant au rôle dans le développement de l'émigration en général, et plus particulièrement des envois de

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fonds. Les postulats sur lesquels se fondaient ces recherches apparaissent aujourd'hui contingents 6. Les analyses partaient aussi de l'idée que la migration avait pour principale origine le sous-développement. Si l'hypothèse n'est pas entièrement à reconsidérer, elle ne peut expliquer totalement les migrations internationales, leurs liens avec le développement économique, les incidences sur les pays d'origine. Les migrations internationales actuelles, notamment en provenance des pays asiatiques, soulignent que le développement économique engendre des flux migratoires. En réalité, les processus économiques, sociaux et culturels provoqués ou engendrés par les migrants se révèlent très mal connus dans le détail. C'est pourquoi nous avons choisi, dans le cadre de ce programme, de promouvoir une lecture fine des processus examinés, saisis dans une perspective monographique. Cette approche, développée au travers de trois cas singuliers, les migrations chinoise, ouest-africaine et mexicaine, non seulement a permis de placer d'emblée le migrant et ses initiatives au centre de l'analyse, mais encore de souligner davantage les articulations entre ces pratiques et les déterminants de la migration. Les dispositifs mis en œuvre par les migrants pour rendre possibles des formes de circulation variées seront ici au centre de l'analyse. L'attention portée à la fois à la description et à l'analyse fonctionnelle de ces dispositifs, à leur capacité à s'insérer, se développer et éventuellement se transformer pour perdurer dans des contextes législatifs, politiques et économiques variés, conduit aussi, nous semble-t-il, à s'interroger sur les retombées du réel marché que forment ces mobilités.
6 Parmi une abondante littérature voir Tiers-Monde, n° spécial: « Migration et développement », Tome XVIII, n069, janv.-mars 1977. Cf également les rapports successifs de l'OCDE sur les migrations et le développement.

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Comme l'a noté Stéphane de Tapia 7 à propos de la circulation migratoire turque, au travers de ce phénomène qui mobilise plusieurs milliers de personnes circulant entre différents pôles des espaces migratoires, c'est bien aussi de prestations économiques qu'il s'agit: remises ouvrières certes, mais encore péages d'autoroute, trajets ferroviaires, maritimes, aériens, importations, réseaux et sociétés de transports, agences de voyage, opérateurs de télécommunication, etc.

Conjuguer interdisciplinarité, comparaison et spécialisation Ce programme a été conduit, et continue d'être mis en œuvre, sous l'angle de l'interdisciplinarité, approche pertinente pour comprendre la nature et les mécanismes qui sont à l' œuvre en situation de migration. Cette démarche a permis, croyons-nous, une confrontation capable d'embrasser la pluralité des questions et des situations migratoires. Le parti pris de cet ouvrage est ainsi de tirer profit d'une vision interdisciplinaire réunissant historiens, politologues, anthropologues, sociologues et géographes. Il aimerait également réaffirmer la validité scientifique des réflexions transversales et croisées portant sur plusieurs ensembles historiques et culturels. Comparatisme et interdisciplinarité se justifient en particulier dans l'étude de la circulation migratoire par les relatifs synchronismes des mutations observés depuis cinquante ans. La question des différentes formes de migrations observées aujourd'hui dans un contexte de mondialisation apparaît aussi comme un véritable enjeu théorique et épis7

Parmi les nombreuses études de l'auteur, cf L'impact régional en Turquie des
investissements industriels des travailleurs émigrés, L'Harmattan, Paris, 1996, 392 p., et «Communication, information, médias et champs migratoires: nouvelles pistes de recherche à partir du cas de la Turquie », in, Rigoni, Isabelle (coord.), Turquie, les mille visages, Éditions Syllepse, 2000, pp.131-143.

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témologique. Elle invite les chercheurs, non seulement à mobiliser et confronter différents paradigmes, mais encore à penser les zones d'hybridations conceptuelles. Nous espérons que les monographies qui suivent contribuent à cette tâche.

Éric Guerassimoff

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PREMIÈRE PARTIE

CONTEXTES, SUPPORTS ET PRATIQUES DE LA CIRCULATION MIGRATOIRE AU SUD

CIRCULATORY

MIGRATION IN WEST AFRICA: NIGERIA

A CASE STUDY OF EJIGBO IN SOUTHWESTERN

Adejumoke A. Afolayan University of Ibadan

The paper examines circulatory migration as a form of migration, using as a case study Ejigbo town in southwestern Nigeria. To be able to achieve this aim, five main objectives are targeted. The first objective considers the distinguishing natures of circulatory migration from those of other forms of migration. The second examines the dominant factor in circulatory migration, especially where it takes place between distant, non-contiguous places. The subsequent objectives are on courses, consequences and prospects of circulatory migration in the study area. To be able to carry out these objectives adequately, the paper covers all forms of migration in Ejigbo, with the focus being on circulatory migration. This is thought would enable us to examine better its evolution, relative importance and its other aspects in the context of the overall migration process. As a dynamic process, circulatory migration connotes changes in the location of people over a relatively short interval of time and changes in the social and economic well being of people involved, those left behind and the communities of the source and destination regions. Implicit in the changes are questions on the causes, courses, consequences and prospects of circulatory migration. The causes are examined in the light of economic, social and political factors, which have shaped its trend in West Arnca and particularly, the study area, Ejigbo. The courses deal with the volume and patterns of the flows of

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people, ideas, information and capital over space and time. The consequences are in terms of social, cultural and economic benefits or otherwise of the movement that have accrued to the individuals involved, their relatives left behind and their community. The prospects are on the future trends, on how long it can be sustained and factors that would halt or totally end circulatory migration. It is along these lines of thought that the subsequent parts of the paper are presented in five main sections, of conceptual considerations, the methodology, review of re~evant literature, analyses of the data from the sample survey and the conclusion. The discussion in the second to the last section is sub-divided into five, as household composition, causes, courses, consequences and prospects of circulatory migration.

CONCEPTUAL CONSIDERA nONS MIGRA TION

FOR STUDYING CIRCULA TORY

The conceptual considerations are on clarifying the definition of circulatory migration and presentation of viable models for examining its causes, courses and consequences. From the different definitions given in the literature, circulatory migration is a form of migration, which is displacement from one location to another. Its distinguishing features from the other forms of migration are its higher frequency of occurrence and the short interval between its occurrences. Others are an intention to return to the origin, a higher degree of link with the source region and often, economic reasons as the dominant factor (Prothero, 1957; Zelinsky, 1971; Mortimore, 1982; Swindell, 1982). Zelinsky (1971), for example, defines it as: " a great variety of movements, usually short-term, repetitive, or cyclic in nature,

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but all having in common the lack of any declared intention of a pennanent or long-lasting change in residence ". Other classificatory approaches in defining circulatory migration are descriptive typologies on timing and conception of mobility as a continuum. The fanner approach is said to be inconclusive, since length of stay may range from 1 day to 14 years, while the latter defines it as a comparative, continuous process. The security and the more widely spread opportunities that circulatory migration affords are two main consequences often associated with circulatory migration (Hill, 1963). The first covers access to land and other local resources that the higher frequency of movements presents. Others are the kinship affiliation, presence of children and the elderly and common values and beliefs that are accessible at the source region. The second set of consequences derives from exposure to variety of items for exchange or trade, marriageable partners, education, religion and politics, among many others. Based on this set of consequences, circulatory migration has been found to generate cross-flows of remittances, investments and food, which may substitute for the physical transfer of people. Many of these features are depicted in conventional migration, only at different levels of intensity. Sequel to the above, the model that is developed for conceptualising the conventional migration is considered adequate for studying circulatory migration, since the latter is a fonn of the fanner. This would be in fonn of considering the process as a cause-effect phenomenon (Shah, 1994). The model considers the economic, demographic, political and ecological conditions in the source region as exogenous, causal factors. Some of the factors could, however, be more applicable to circulatory migration than other factors, such as, changes in the political policies of recipient countries, ecological factors, and improvement in transport facilities, communication and infonnation. Circulatory migration can, therefore, be seen as a response of individuals to exogenous factors or the 'push-pull' factors. The 19

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response is moderated by personal, community/family/individual variables, which include knowledge, legitimacy/support, experience and social networks. Its other determinants are demographic and social characteristics of the people. For example, at the start of migration, men, as the breadwinner, may be the one commuting back and forth with the source, while at a latter period women are the more prone to circulatory migration, because of the role they play in the household. In addition, the length of stay of the circulatory migrants could have been determined by the nature of the job they engage in at the destination, among many others. In terms of the courses of circulatory migration, the paper considers that preference is for destinations that offer higher and better social, economic and political settings. With waning or changes in the causes, there would also be changes in the courses of the migration. For example, the strength of interpersonal relations, which individual migrants have with potential destinations, matters a lot. In the case of stronger social networks that are sustained over considerable length of time, the tendency is for a higher pull of migrants in the direction of the place from where the pulls emanate, as against another location that offers weaker connections. Also, changes in economic and political policies would either facilitate or hinder circulatory migration over time. Consequences of circulatory migration are the evaluative outcomes, which are often inconclusive, as they depend on the context of analysis of the situation. The consequences may be positive or negative at the levels of individuals and community. The extent of changes experienced depends in most cases on the extent of integration of the migrants with either the source or destination region. For example, more frequent contacts with source region and higher level of commitment to its progress may foster greater investments and more diversified imported goods for sale. Positive results may also include circulatory migrants being able to care better for those left behind in the source region than

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pennanent migrants. On the other hand, negative results may be in fonns of loss or shortage of skill, of locally generated income and of the source being overly dependent on remittances. These and many other postulates indicate that the impacts of circulatory migration on individuals and the source center are often inconclusive.

METHODOLOGY

The methodology considers the rationale for the study area, the manner of the data collection and analyses of the data. Ejigbo town in Ejigbo Local Government Area (LGA) of Osun State, Nigeria, is chosen for an in-depth case study of circulatory migration from the source region' s angle. The rationale for the choice is that the region is known for large-scale emigration (Oyeyode, 1972; Adegbola, 1972; Afolayan, 1998). Oyeyode (1972), for example, has reported the development of an incipient, but considerable magnitude of circulatory migration in the town. In addition, the present study, being part of a network on "Circulatory Migration in West Africa, China, and Mexico" in urban setting, falls in line with the choice of Ejigbo town. Furthennore, the location of the study area and its demographic characteristics lend support to its choice. Ejigbo town is located on latitude 7.95 degree north of the equator and on longitude 4.40 degree west of the Greenwich Meridian in south-western Nigeria, which are co-ordinates that indicate its inland, remoteness to neighbouring countries. In tenns of its population characteristics, both the LGA and town depict areas of considerable outmigration. This is observable from the total population for the LGA, of 69,366, comprising 33,409 males (48.2%) and 35,957 females (51.8%) in 1991. For Ejigbo town, the total population 21

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figure is 34,047, consisting of 16, 111 males (47.3%) and 17,936 females (52.7%) (National Population Commission, 1991). From the sex ratio, of 92.9 and 89.8 respectively for the LOA and the town, it is obvious that the sex selectivity-factor in migration is much at work in explaining the demographic structure of the two places. For the data collection, both primary and secondary sources of information were contacted. Secondary data sources are for getting information for the literature review. For this, earlier works that are relevant to the study were reviewed and a search was made in the National Archives, University of Ibadan. The primary data source is the sample survey that was carried out at Ejigbo town. The oral interviews were via household questionnaire administration and the Focus Group Discussions (POD). Five hundred heads of households were targeted for the former, but at the end of the exercise 335 of them gave information on they themselves and on people regarded as members of their households, or in other words the usual, " de jure" members of the households. In order to get the heads of households, the town was stratified into known clusters of high, medium and low zones of circulatory migration. The targeted number of respondents was shared equally among the quarters of the town. For the FOD, 10 different categories of people were interviewed. The groups comprised varied knowledgeable individuals, of chiefs, civil servants, artisans, traders and transporters. The purposes of the primary data collection are to reflect the level of awareness of and the magnitude of the process, in terms of the causes (determinants and the social networks), courses (volume and frequency of human and capital flows), consequences and prospects of the movements. Also, the questionnaire covers the demographic and social and economic variables of the respondents. The main analyses that were carried out are the simple, statistical tests, of means, standard deviations, t test and analysis of 22

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variance. Also, relevant quotations are made from the FGD, as qualitative data, to buttress the quantitative data of the household questionnaire.

LITERATURE REVIEW ON CIRCULATORY MIGRATION WEST AFRICAN REGION

IN THE

The literature review is purposeful, to serve as a take-off for the present study and to highlight the occurrence of the incidence over time in many parts of the West African region, inclusive of Ejigbo. For the latter, interest is in noting the evolution of the process, in terms of its genesis, its peaking, ebbing and resurgence. Circulatory migration is not novel to the West African region; hence, a focus on it in the present project is predicated on its continuity on higher scale, with significant implications. It characterized majority of the commercial migrations of the precolonial era, when both short and long distance trades were carried out within the main empires of the region. The seasonal, nomadic movements of the Fulani in the savanna belt of the region also qualify readily as circulatory migrations. Circulatory migrations also reflected in the circulation of labor between the poorer and better-endowed areas of West Africa. It has been a response to regional disparities in the economic development and of seasonal variations in the agricultural regimes of certain areas. It manifested among migrant laborers, traders and nomads, among many others (Amin, 1974; Adepoju, 1974; Brooks, 1975; Mortimore, 1982; Swindell, 1982; Prothero and Chapman, 1985; Afolayan, 1991; Gugler, 1991; Findley, 1995). Circulatory migration could be involuntary, voluntary or a mixture of the two forms. As an involuntary movement, Amin 23

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(1974) argues that capitalism led to regional disparities in West Africa, forcing or predetermining the direction of flow of labor. In addition, Mortimore (1982) writes on its occurrence as being in line with the cyclical change of the seasons. On the other hand, its occurrence as a voluntary phenomenon marks it out as a rational choice, of making the best of a situation. The two forms could also be found to be in operation at about the same time. For example, Prothero (1957) reports the seasonal circulation of labor, or "eating away of the hunger season" (masu abucin rani), in villages of Northern Nigeria. The villagers moved from their home to other areas for varied reasons, among which are to conserve food supplies in the dry season, to meet social obligations, to work at crafts and to reduce pressure on the land. Other works in other West African countries support the occurrence of and main explanatory factors in circulatory migration. For example, the stranger farmers' system in The Gambia is on circulatory migration mostly from within the country itself, Senegal, Mali (Upper Ivory), Guinea and Guinea-Bissau. The circulatory migrants worked with heads of households for between 2 and 4 days on the host's farms (Brooks, 1975; Swindell, 1982). Also, Findley (1998) reports that circulatory migrations in the Senegal River Valley area are a response to cyclical swings in the ecological conditions. Moreover, archival report on circulatory migration from southwestern part of Nigeria to other West African countries states: " It is difficult to assess the amount of emigration, as there is continual movement, particularly in Ogbomosho (less than 100 kilometers to the north-west of Ejigbo), between this District and Dahomey, where many of the local people have connections. Such emigration is seasonal and occurs mostly during the dry season" (Oshun Division 1/2, OS 289 Annual Report on the Social and Economic Progress Report of the People of Nigeria). On consequences, archival report also states" contributions had been received from Okuku people (whose home place is less 24

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than 50 kilometers to the north-west of Ejigbo) in Gold Coast (Touring Notes on Odo-Otin District, January-April 1950). Moreover, the Revenue Shortfalls of 1954/55 in Ejigbo District Council was associated with: "the large number of tax-payers emigrants from the town and District Council area, who went to the Ivory Coast and the Gold Coast to trade. They sojourned there to trade and never paid tax at home here ". (Audit Query No. 52, Ejigbo D.C., July 10, 1956). Furthermore, on the study area, Oyeyode (1972) notes that the volume of the emigration from Ejigbo was low up to the mid-20th century, but picked up after the World War 2. The 1952/53 Census gave a figure of 8,692 emigrants from Ejigbo to Ivory Coast (Cote d'Ivoire) and Ghana. This comprised 4,624 males and 4,068 females. Over time, he notes that seasonal migration was becoming prominent in Ejigbo, as returning/visiting emigrants swelled the population of Ejigbo. The emigrants maintained very close contact with the source region through letter writing, visits, verbal messages and remittances flows. They erected modern, residential buildings and set up small scale to medium scale industries at home. They also gave generously to educational and religious institutions. They were the ones that erected the Post Office, Central Mosque and they owned fleets of buses and vehicles plying Abidjan-Ejigbo. For the entire West African region, the ratification of the Protocol of Free Mobility of Persons, Goods and Services of the Economic Community of the West African States (ECOW AS) in 1978 aided freer spatial mobility of persons, financial (profits/remittances), innovations and information flows in the region (Afolayan, 1988; Conde and Fleury-Brousse (1983); Minvielle, 1985). The last two named workers report that since 1978 migration has been unrestricted between the Member States. Every year, thousands of people from the Fleuve (Senegal River Valley) have returned from France to other destinations in West Africa, mainly to the urban center of Abidjan in Cote d'Ivoire and

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its plantations. Also, the high mobility of Malians is illustrated by the fact that between 1985 and 1989,48,000 and 54,000 emigrants left the country each year, with a total of 259,000 departures for the 5-year period (Diarra, 1993). Evidence from Nigeria indicates that circulatory migration was also taking place on a higher scale (Mortimore, 1982; Malayan, 1991; 1998; Barkan, et al, 1991). However, repercussion of the violation of the Protocol also led to the ejection of close to 1.5 million illegal aliens, for example, from Nigeria in 1985 (Afolayan, 1988). This, as well, reinforced circulatory migration, as it made immigrants to reconsider indefinite stay in another Member State. Consequently, as Afolayan (1998) puts it "many emigrants would prefer to shuttle between the two locations (Nigeria and Ghana) on a temporary rather than on long term basis ". One other important literature on manifest circulatory migration in the Community is the trans-border trading across State borders in the region. What determine the high frequency of the circulatory migration are the contiguity of the area and the cultural affinity of the people across the border (Afolayan, 2000).

EVIDENCE OF CIRCULA TORY MIGRATION DATA FROMSAMPLE SURVEY

VIA ANALYSES OF

The analyses below are based on responses of the heads of households and the FGD that were conducted at the source region, Ejigbo. The results are presented on household composition, courses, causes, consequences and prospects of emigration, particularly circulatory migration between the source, Ejigbo and the varied destinations, mainly West African countries.

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Household

Composition

The households comprise heads of households, who form slightly over one-eight (15.5%) of all members, their spouses/wives (18.9%) and their children, inclusive the grand children (50.4%). Relatives (9.0%), parents/grand parents (2.6%) and visitors/friends/neighbors (3.6%) make up the remaining percentage (Table 1). Furthermore, the heads of households and their wives depict similar educational characteristics, with 30.8% and 33.8% of them respectively that had no formal, western education. The educated ones, that is, 23.9% and 26.5% respectively of the heads of households and their spouses, attained up to primary school level, while 27.2 % and 27.0% respectively attained higher educational status, that is, up to secondary school level. At post secondary school level, they form 18.2% and 12.7% respectively. From the migration statuses of the members of the households, the relative importance of circulatory migrants among the members can be appreciated (Table 2).

27

MIGRATIONS INTERNATIONALES,

MOBILITÉS ET DÉVELOPPEMENT

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MIGRATIONS INTERNATIONALES,

MOBILITÉS ET DÉVELOPPEMENT

The data show that majority of the sample population (74.8%) have migrated out of Ejigbo at one time or the other during their lifetime. The emigrants are further classified as circulatory emigrants (27.0%), returned emigrants (25.8%), emigrants that have stayed for more than 3 years outside the country (18.1 %) and migrants within the country (3.8%). Nonmigrants, or those who never have lived outside Ejigbo, fonn the remaining percentage, of 25.2%. In essence, circulatory emigrants are quite sizeable in number, forming close to one third of the total population of households. As members of the FGD put it:
«Only 2 out of 10 Ejigbo people are staying at home. Others are emigrants. There are a lot of circulatory migrants, but permanent emigrants are more in number than circulatory ones. The Ejigbo people have every house represented in other countries. Emigrants are about five sixth (5/6), while those at home constitute about one sixth (1/6) »

In short, migration is a prominent feature of Ejigbo households, with close to four-fifths of the members being migrants, at one time or the other. Out of this migrant population, circulatory migrants form close to one third. Courses of Migration The data also reveal the courses of the moves the migrants made. Majority of the emigrants moved to Cote d'Ivoire (70.4%). Other West African countries that are less prefered are Ghana (12.4%), Togo (12.3%), Benin (3.8%), Burkina Faso (0.8%) and Cameroon (0.2%) (Table 3).

30

MIGRATION

FROM EJIGBO IN SOUTHWESTERN

NIGERIA

Table 3: Place Lived Outside Nigeria for the 1st Time by Sex Country Cote d'Ivoire Ghana Benin Togo Burkina Faso Cameroon Col. Total Male 366 56 24 62 5 2 515 % 55.2 47.9 66.7 53.4 62.5 100.0 54.2 Female 297 61 12 54 3 % 44.8 52.1 33.3 46.6 37.5 45.3 Row Total 663 117 36 116 8 2 942 As % or Col. Total 70.4 12.4 3.8 12.3 0.8 0.2 100.0

427

In addition, there are data to show the lifetime migration pattern of members of the households, that is, places lived at indefinite period after the place of birth of the respondents (Table 4, following page). Over time, 37.8% of those born in Osun State (Nigeria) have moved elsewhere outside Nigeria. Cote d'Ivoire has been the favorite of those born in Osun State, with 23% of them stating it as their last place of residence. The other places they emigrated to are, in descending order of importance, Ghana, Benin, Togo, Burkina Faso, France and Cameroon, while out-migration to other places within Nigeria is less important. Those born in Lagos depict about the same pattern, but they have Cote d'Ivoire as their major last place of residence (20.8%). Togo, Ghana and Benin follow this. Localities that the Lagos-born out-migrated to within Nigeria are mostly in Osun State. Majority of those born in Cote d'Ivoire, who moved elsewhere, moved mostly to Osun State (13.2%). Those born in Ghana also moved mostly to Osun State and Cote d'Ivoire, each with 17.8%. Next in importance is Togo and very few of them moved to Lagos State and Benin. With regards to those born in Togo, the preference was for the nearby Benin (20.0%); followed by Osun State, Cote d'Ivoire, Lagos State and Ghana.

31

MIGRATIONS INTERNATIONALES, MOBILITÉS ET DÉVELOPPEMENT

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MIGRATION FROM EJIGBO IN SOUTHWESTERN

NIGERIA

The current destinations of those outside the country are as follows: 81.2% of them are in Cote d'Ivoire; followed distantly by those in Togo (8.6%), Ghana (7.0%), Benin (2.5%), Cameroon (0.4%) and Burkina Faso (0.2%) (Table 5).
Table 5: Current Residence, if Presently Outside Nigeria by Sex
Country Cote d'Ivoire Ghana Benin Togo Burkina Faso Cameroon Col. Total Male 247 22 7 28 1 2 451 % 53.6 55.0 50.0 57.1 100.0 100.0 79.3 Female 214 18 7 21 % 46.4 45.0 50.0 42.9 Row Total 461 40 14 49 1 2 569 As %ofCol. Total 81.2 7.0 2.5 8.6 0.2 0.4 100.0

20.7

388

In addition, data on the place of birth by the current place of residence, amplify the fact that members of the households have been considerably mobile (Table 6, following page). Non-migrants form less than half of the population in the respective countries, with the exception of Osun State and Lagos States, where they are about two thirds (61.8% & 68.2% respectively). Also, the Net Migration Rate (NMR), of 0.067, for Cote d'Ivoire implies that that country records the highest positive gain among the ECOW AS' host countries. Cote d'Ivoire is, therefore, the major destination. The negative NMR values for Benin (-0.002), Lagos State (-0.001), Ghana (-0.01) and Osun State (-0.06) indicate that these places are mainly net losing places, in that ascending order.

33