Spatial Integration of Chinese and Asians in Metropolitan Chicago - article ; n°1 ; vol.21, pg 153-165

Linda Q.Wang

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Espace, populations, sociétés - Année 2003 - Volume 21 - Numéro 1 - Pages 153-165
Conditioned by the largely rejecting and discriminatory socio-political climates in the United States and the transplanted Chinese cultural traditions, the Chinese in metropolitan Chicago before WW II displayed striking occupation concentration and residential dispersion. The dispersion, however, had little bearing in assessing their incorporation into the mainstream as their primary group association was intricately connected to Chicago's Chinatown. More than half a century later, Asian population, Chinese being one of the largest components, in metropolitan Chicago has achieved substantial spatial integration. In comparison with blacks and Hispanics, Asians in general and Chinese in particular have demonstrated higher degree of residential integration, education attainment, and general socio-economic achievements. This is partly attributable to the changing composition of the Chinese population and the much improved pluralistic, cultural and socio-economic climates in the United States.
L'intégration spatiale des Chinois et des Asiatiques dans l'aire métropolitaine de Chicago.
En raison du climat de rejet et de discrimination socio-politique des États-Unis, mais aussi de traditions culturelles transplantées, les Chinois de Chicago montrent, avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, une remarquable concentration spatiale de leurs activités doublée d'une grande dispersion résidentielle. Cette dispersion ne peut cependant masquer leur étroite association avec la Chinatown de Chicago.
Un demi-siècle plus tard, la population d'origine asiatique de Chicago, dont les Chinois représentent une large part, est arrivée à un niveau substantielle d'intégration spatiale. Par rapport aux noirs et aux hispaniques, les Asiatiques en général et les Chinois en particulier montrent des niveaux élevés d'intégration résidentielle et de réussite scolaire et professionnelle. On peut en chercher les raisons dans les modifications de la composition de la population chinoise et dans un climat bien amélioré d'accueil aux immigrants
13 pages
Source : Persée ; Ministère de la jeunesse, de l’éducation nationale et de la recherche, Direction de l’enseignement supérieur, Sous-direction des bibliothèques et de la documentation.

Sujets

• Sociologie, société et politique

Informations

• Publié par: ESPACE-_POPULATIONS-_SOCIETES
• Publié le: 01 janvier 2003
• Nombre de lectures: 14
• Langue: English
• Poids de l'ouvrage: 1 Mo

Extrait

Linda Q. Wang
Spatial Integration of Chinese and Asians in Metropolitan
Chicago
In: Espace, populations, sociétés, 2003-1. Diversité des populations d'Amérique du Nord. pp. 153-165.
Abstract
Conditioned by the largely rejecting and discriminatory socio-political climates in the United States and the transplanted Chinese
cultural traditions, the Chinese in metropolitan Chicago before WW II displayed striking occupation concentration and residential
dispersion. The dispersion, however, had little bearing in assessing their incorporation into the mainstream as their primary group
association was intricately connected to Chicago's Chinatown. More than half a century later, Asian population, Chinese being
one of the largest components, in metropolitan Chicago has achieved substantial spatial integration. In comparison with blacks
and Hispanics, Asians in general and Chinese in particular have demonstrated higher degree of residential integration, education
attainment, and general socio-economic achievements. This is partly attributable to the changing composition of the Chinese
population and the much improved pluralistic, cultural and socio-economic climates in the United States.
Résumé
L'intégration spatiale des Chinois et des Asiatiques dans l'aire métropolitaine de Chicago.
En raison du climat de rejet et de discrimination socio-politique des États-Unis, mais aussi de traditions culturelles transplantées,
les Chinois de Chicago montrent, avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, une remarquable concentration spatiale de leurs activités
doublée d'une grande dispersion résidentielle. Cette dispersion ne peut cependant masquer leur étroite association avec la
Chinatown de Chicago.
Un demi-siècle plus tard, la population d'origine asiatique de Chicago, dont les Chinois représentent une large part, est arrivée à
un niveau substantielle d'intégration spatiale. Par rapport aux noirs et aux hispaniques, les Asiatiques en général et les Chinois
en particulier montrent des niveaux élevés d'intégration résidentielle et de réussite scolaire et professionnelle. On peut en
chercher les raisons dans les modifications de la composition de la population chinoise et dans un climat bien amélioré d'accueil
aux immigrants
Citer ce document / Cite this document :
Wang Linda Q. Spatial Integration of Chinese and Asians in Metropolitan Chicago. In: Espace, populations, sociétés, 2003-1.
Diversité des populations d'Amérique du Nord. pp. 153-165.
doi : 10.3406/espos.2003.2070
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/espos_0755-7809_2003_num_21_1_2070Q. WANG Department of Sociology/Geography Linda
University of South Carolina Aiken
471 Parkway
Aiken, SC 29801-6309
États-Unis
lindawa@ usca.edu
Spatial Integration of
Chinese and Asians in
Metropolitan Chicago1
Exposition of ethnic social infrastructure as
a mechanism of immigrants' adaptation and
evaluation of the modes of immigrants'
incorporation have yielded unprecedented
Ueda been of demographic Immigrant different étal. 1990; 1975; immigrants' zealously 1990; King Cloud 1994; disciplines. studies Smith et and al. history pursued 1980; ethnographie in 1939; White 1987; From the (Bodnar Peffer Takaki by United Dinnerstein 1991), critical scientists 1986; 1993, 1985; States case to accounts Portes socio- analy1998; Chan et from have al. insights to the rites of passage that different
groups have constructed in the United
States. Employing indicators such as
achieved socioeconomic mobility and spat
ial integration, the degree and extent of eth
nic assimilation have been scrutinized in ses (Cheng et al. 1988; Chinn 1989;
conjunction with the prevailing receiving Gambino 1974; Gans 1982; Greeley, 1972;
climate and ethnic cultural heritages Kiang 1992; Kwong 1987; Lee 1998; Portes
(Bonacich 1972; Lee 1998; Duncan et al. et al. 1985; Ostergren 1988; Whyte 1981;
1959; Glenn 1999; Massey et al. 1985; and Zhou 1992, 1997; and Zhou et al. 1989), to
Portes et al. 1989). Through case investigatheoretical abstraction (Bodnar 1985;
tion of the Chinese occupation and settlBonacich 1973; Kivisto 1990; Gordon 1964;
ement patterns in metropolitan Chicago in the Massey 1995; Park et al. 1921; Portes et al.
late 19th and early 20th centuries, and the 1986, 1989; and Sarna 1978), the volumi
spatial and socioeconomic characteristics of nous literature has greatly enriched our
Asians as a group at the end of the 20th cenunderstanding of the increasingly diverse
tury,2 this paper intends to demonstrate the cultural mosaic that has crafted the
modes of Chinese and Asian incorporation American cultural landscape. While early
in metropolitan Chicago. research skewed to European immigrants,
studies of Asian and other ethnic minorities Asians began to immigrate to the United
States since the mid- 19th century. But for the have captured the limelight since the 1970s.
1 The author acknowledges the tremendous contribu 2 Only aggregated tract data of Asian population in the
tion made by Mr. Paul H. Lewis, the Government 2000 U.S. census are accessible to the author.
Documents Librarian in USC Aiken who supplied the Therefore, Asians are taken as a group for convenience
2000 census data for this article in place of the 1990 and feasibility of this study.
census data used in the original submission. 154
laws based on geography and ethnicity, parensuing century, their numbers remained
small attributable to the institutional con ticularly those against Chinese, began to be
trols that restricted and prohibited Asian reformed. Immigrants today, regardless of
immigration.3 In 1960, Asian population their previous cultural traditions and life
experiences, have gained much more fleximade up merely 0.6% of the U.S.
bility in constructing their own venues of consisting primarily of Chinese and
Japanese. Reforms since 1965 have resulted incorporation. Like most other immigrants,
Chinese immigrants since the 1960s have in rapid increase of not only Chinese and
Japanese but also people from other Asian treaded a new path of assimilation as more
receptive attitude prevails and broader range countries. By year 2000, the percentage of
Asian population in the United States of economic opportunities open up in the
latter half of the 20th century. increased to 3.6%, of which, close to 24%
were Chinese, the largest component.4 Contextualized in two different time periods
Although Asians are the smallest in compari are two contrasting Chinese images. During
son with blacks (12.3%) and Hispanics the late 19th and the first half of the 20th cen
(12.5%), they seem to have become the most turies, strong cultural affinity and patriotism
prominent in socioeconomic assimilation. and the unwelcoming climate in the main
Chinese immigrants were among the earliest stream promoted an enduring sojourning
Asian in the United States. They culture among Chinese who actively nur
were first welcomed as capable and industri tured and maintained enclaves in large urban
ous laborers in mining, land reclamation, centers. Since the 1960s however, growing
number of new Chinese immigrants from railroad construction, and other develop
professional, intellectual, and business class mental industries, especially in the
American West. Then, they were discrimi and the growing number of native-born sec
nated, denied entry, and labeled unfit for ci ond or higher generations of Chinese
descents begin to foster a settlers' culture tizenship as a group mostly for the same rea
sons they were brought over. It was not until which is increasingly incorporated into the
the 1960s that discriminatory immigration mainstream.
SPATIAL DUO OF CHINESE IN CHICAGO
For decades, studies of the highly visible ng the microscopic social fabric, lived a life
Chinatowns and their internal social struc little different from that in their hometown
ture have been the primary source shaping (Beck 1898; Brott 1982; Cather 1932; Heyer
the public image of Chinese in the United 1953; Kiang 1992; Kwong 1979; Lee 1965;
States. Chinese Diaspora and Chinatown Lui 1948; Lyman 1974; Murphey 1952;
became familiar labels defining not only the Salter 1978; Siu 1987; Wong 1979; and Wu
people but also their settlement. Sensational 1928). Therefore, most Chinese were
sojourners5 who adhered to their hometown case inquires of Chinatowns in San
Francisco, New York, Los Angeles, and traditions and associated exclusively with
Chicago furthered the public perception that their kinsmen centered in Chinatown. The
Chinese in the United States, by passage of time did not result in incremental
1921 National Origins Act that disfavored immigrants 3 Immigration laws established during 1850-1965 in the
from Asia and parts of Europe. United States generally favored Western and Northern
European immigrants, and disfavored Asian immig 4 In 2000 U.S. census, Asians were subdivided into
rants. Some examples are the Chinese Exclusion Act Chinese, Filipino, Asian Indian, Japanese, Korean, of 1882 — the first immigration law ever in the U.S. Vietnamese, and Other Asians.
immigration history that targeted at a specific national 5 Refer to Paul C. P. Siu. 1953, The Sojourner, group; the &q