The Geography of Indigenous Identity in the United States - article ; n°1 ; vol.21, pg 77-88

Joshua Comenetz

Description

Espace, populations, sociétés - Année 2003 - Volume 21 - Numéro 1 - Pages 77-88
Géographie de l'identité autochtone aux États-Unis.
Lors du recensement 2000, les Américains ont eu, pour la première fois, la possibilité de choisir plus qu'une identification « raciale ». Les populations indigènes ont manifesté un taux d'identification multiraciale plus élevé que tout autre groupe. Le nombre élevé d'individus ayant exprimé une appartenance partielle aux nations indiennes, couplé à un moindre sous-comptage qu'en 1990, ont conduit à un doublement statistique de la population indienne entre 1990 et 2000. L'intensité de l'identification indigène au sein des Indiens d'Amérique (mesurée par le pourcentage de personnes s'identifiant comme 100 % indiennes) varie géographiquement, avec les taux maxima dans les réserves indiennes et les États de l'Ouest. Le cœur de la population indienne (identification unique) est éclaté en plusieurs noyaux spatialement distincts, alors que la « périphérie » indienne (appartenances ethniques multiples) est présente en de larges portions du territoire
In the 2000 census, Americans were allowed to choose more than one racial group for the first time. Indigenous people had a higher rate of multiracial identification than other population groups. The larger number of people who identify as partly indigenous, along with the reduction in the level of undercount compared with the 1990 census, means that the total enumerated indigenous or partly indigenous population in 2000 was more than twice the size of the reported population in 1990. The intensity of indigenous identification among American Indians (measured by the share of indigenous people who claim a single racial identity) varied geographically, with higher levels on and near reservations and in western states. The core (one-race) population was much more spatially clustered than the peripheral (multi-race) population.
12 pages
Source : Persée ; Ministère de la jeunesse, de l’éducation nationale et de la recherche, Direction de l’enseignement supérieur, Sous-direction des bibliothèques et de la documentation.

Sujets

• Sociologie, société et politique

Informations

• Publié par: ESPACE-_POPULATIONS-_SOCIETES
• Publié le: 01 janvier 2003
• Nombre de lectures: 7
• Langue: English
• Poids de l'ouvrage: 1 Mo

Extrait

Joshua Comenetz
The Geography of Indigenous Identity in the United States
In: Espace, populations, sociétés, 2003-1. Diversité des populations d'Amérique du Nord. pp. 77-88.
Résumé
Géographie de l'identité autochtone aux États-Unis.
Lors du recensement 2000, les Américains ont eu, pour la première fois, la possibilité de choisir plus qu'une identification «
raciale ». Les populations indigènes ont manifesté un taux d'identification multiraciale plus élevé que tout autre groupe. Le
nombre élevé d'individus ayant exprimé une appartenance partielle aux nations indiennes, couplé à un moindre sous-comptage
qu'en 1990, ont conduit à un doublement statistique de la population indienne entre 1990 et 2000. L'intensité de l'identification
indigène au sein des Indiens d'Amérique (mesurée par le pourcentage de personnes s'identifiant comme 100 % indiennes) varie
géographiquement, avec les taux maxima dans les réserves indiennes et les États de l'Ouest. Le cœur de la population indienne
(identification unique) est éclaté en plusieurs noyaux spatialement distincts, alors que la « périphérie » indienne (appartenances
ethniques multiples) est présente en de larges portions du territoire
Abstract
In the 2000 census, Americans were allowed to choose more than one "racial" group for the first time. Indigenous people had a
higher rate of multiracial identification than other population groups. The larger number of people who identify as partly
indigenous, along with the reduction in the level of undercount compared with the 1990 census, means that the total enumerated
indigenous or partly indigenous population in 2000 was more than twice the size of the reported population in 1990. The intensity
of indigenous identification among American Indians (measured by the share of indigenous people who claim a single racial
identity) varied geographically, with higher levels on and near reservations and in western states. The core (one-race) population
was much more spatially clustered than the peripheral (multi-race) population.
Citer ce document / Cite this document :
Comenetz Joshua. The Geography of Indigenous Identity in the United States . In: Espace, populations, sociétés, 2003-1.
Diversité des populations d'Amérique du Nord. pp. 77-88.
doi : 10.3406/espos.2003.2065
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/espos_0755-7809_2003_num_21_1_2065COMENETZ Department of Geography Joshua
University of Florida
PO Box 117315
Gainesville, FL 32611
USA
[e-mail]
The Geography
in of the Indigenous United States Identity
1. INDIGENOUS AMERICANS
Nearly 80 years ago, a geographer defended fact that the indigenous population, even
the paucity of prior geographical research on broadly defined, makes up under two per
cent of the American population. American Indians by explaining that "for
serious geographical study his achievements This paper looks at the current spatial dis
rarely are comparable, even in a minor way, tribution of the largest segment of the
to those of the white man" (Hans, 1925). It indigenous population, American Indians.
would be more reasonable to argue that According to the current official US govern
there is no American population more ment definition, the term "American Indian
or Alaska Native" refers to "a person having worthy of geographic study than indigenous
peoples. Indians were the sole residents of origins in any of the original peoples of
the Americas for most of the region's human North and South America (including Central
history and influenced much of the America), and who maintains tribal affilia
attachment" (Office of American geographical landscape. Today, tion or community
the indigenous population of the United Management and Budget, 1997). This defi
States is small but diverse in every meaning nition is used by the Census Bureau in its
of the word, including members of more tabulations. Both the definition and the term
"American Indian" can be questioned. The than 500 nations or ethnic groups who speak
definition excludes populations indigenous hundreds of languages, represent many cul
tural and religious traditions, and reside in to the non-continental part of the United
every part of the country. As the descendants States (such as native Hawaiians), and
of the original inhabitants of what is now the excludes those who do not "maintain tribal
attachment" — United States, they have longer-term per affiliation or community
sonal ties to the land than any other that is not part of the definition of something
Americans. After five centuries of genocide other American ethnic groups. The term
and repression, indigenous Americans have, Indian has been criticized by indigenous
in the last few decades, begun to achieve Americans who prefer the general term
some measure of equality with other Native American or are opposed to general
Americans, though this is limited by the categories on principle, favoring individual 78
national identities such as Navajo or Ojibwe same, with the above caveats. To reduce
(Yellow Bird, 1999). On the other hand, confusion, the following discussion is limit
American Indian is the most familiar gener ed to American Indians resident in the 48
al term, and the most recent government contiguous American states, omitting Alaska
survey suggests that it is currently favored and Hawaii, where most indigenous people
by more indigenous Americans than any sin do not describe themselves as American
gle alternative (Bureau of Labor Statistics, Indians. The count of Indians in the 48 states
1995). For these reasons, and because the does, however, include a very small number
primary data source (the census) employs of Alaska Natives.
this term, it seems reasonable to do the
2. DEMOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND
Though the American concept of "race" has change creates a unique opportunity to
little scientific basis, it has strong cultural examine the geographic patterns of ethnic
resonance. The US census has recorded the identity, because one can compare the pat
racial identity of individuals since the first tern of responses before and after the switch
census in 1790. Racial/ethnic categories to multiracial identification.
have differed from census to census, with Census data from 1860 to the present indi
American Indians first enumerated only in cate a tremendous increase in the American
1860. In the last few decades, respondents Indian population, from a low of just 25,700
have been able to choose among five cate in 1870, to 377,000 in 1950 and nearly two
gories: American Indian, Asian and Pacific million in 1990. Because the census began
Islander (split into two separate categories in counting Indians only in 1860, data
2000), black, white, and other. Until the obviously do not record the immense
2000 census, official statistics were based decline in the Indian population, due to
either on the "one-drop" rule, according to genocide, diseases introduced from Europe,
which no multiracial categories were reco war, forced migration, and starvation,
gnized and even the smallest amount of non- between the beginning of European colo
"blood" made a person non-white, or white nization in 1492 and the nineteenth century
by self-identification with the restriction (Denevan, 1992). The 2000 census counted
that each person was able to choose only one 2.5 million people identifying themselves
of the racial categories. The United States solely as Indian and another 1.6 million
differed in this regard from every other reporting ancestry in combination
country of the Americas, where official sta with other races. Even an above-average
tistics and/or popular culture have long reco birthrate cannot explain such dramatic
gnized the existence of a wide variety of growth. There has been relatively little
ethnic mixtures involving ancestors of dif immigration of Indians from outside the US:
ferent skin colors, from mestizos or mulatos Latin American Indian groups, the largest
in Latin America to the métis of Canada. component of Indians with non-US ancestry,
This is reflected in the thousands of words comprised under 5% of the Indian populat
that exist in Spanish, Portuguese, and ion in 2000. This means that change in the
French for describing different ethnic mixt Indian population can only be explained by
ures, while English has few such terms. changes in semantics (the definition of who
This created a dilemma for people of mixed is an Indian) and personal willingness or
ancestry in the US, forcing them to classify desire to publicly claim Indian ancestry.
themselves imprecisely. Starting in 2000, in Each Indian nation decides who is eligible to
part to resolve this problem, each person be counted as a member, with different
was allowed to select any number of cate nations requiring greater or lesser quantities
gories, from only one to all of them (Office or percentage of Indian ancestry. The issue
of Management and Budget 1997). This of eligibility for membership has arisen 79
much more frequently in recent decades populations may be