The geography of unemployment: the case of Denmark  - article ; n°2 ; vol.3, pg 285-297
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Espace, populations, sociétés - Année 1985 - Volume 3 - Numéro 2 - Pages 285-297
La géographie du chômage : le cas du Danemark.
La géographie danoise du chômage (ou des taux d'inactivité - les deux variables étant largement corrélées -) rencontre les grandes tendances observées ailleurs en Europe capitaliste : chômage plus faible dans la région-capitale ; croissance plus rapide du chômage dans les régions centrales que dans les régions périphériques depuis le début des années 70 ; chômage féminin et des jeunes particulièrement fort dans les zones périphériques alors que le chômage masculin est relativement plus élevé dans les régions centrales. Les statistiques danoises permettent une analyse géographique fine des segmentations sur le marché du travail, en tenant compte à la fois de l'offre et de la demande de travail. S. Illeris analyse ainsi, pour l'ensemble du Danemark, le marché du travail des jeunes femmes ayant une formation commerciale ou de bureau, celui des universitaires des deux sexes et, à l'intérieur de la région de Copenhague, celui des hommes sans qualification âgés de 25 à 49 ans. Les schémas de localisation de ces trois marchés du travail sont fort différents. Cette conception de la géographie du chômage s'ajuste bien aux modèles généraux qui avancent qu'il n'y a pas une seule explication simple au chômage dans les pays capitalistes avancés.
The geography of unemployment or non-occupied populations shows in Denmark the same pattern as elsewhere in capitalist Europe: total unemployment rates are weaker in the capital region; since the early 1970's, unemployment has increased more in core regions than in outlying areas; female and youth unemployment rates are particularly high in peripherical regions; male unemployment rates are relatively higher in core regions. Danish data allow a precise geographical analysis of segmentations on the labour market, considering both supply and demand. So, S. Illeris studies, for the whole of Denmark, unemployment among young women with a clerical or sales education, among both sexes people with academic education and, inside the Copenhagen area only, among unskilled, middle-aged men. There is no simple pattern for those three labour markets. This conception of the geography of unemployment fits well into those general models which believe that there is no one simple explanation of unemployment in advanced capitalist countries.
13 pages
Source : Persée ; Ministère de la jeunesse, de l’éducation nationale et de la recherche, Direction de l’enseignement supérieur, Sous-direction des bibliothèques et de la documentation.

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Publié le 01 janvier 1985
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Sven Illeris
The geography of unemployment: the case of Denmark
In: Espace, populations, sociétés, 1985-2. Chômage, non-emploi, sous-emploi. pp. 285-297.
Citer ce document / Cite this document :
Illeris Sven. The geography of unemployment: the case of Denmark . In: Espace, populations, sociétés, 1985-2. Chômage, non-
emploi, sous-emploi. pp. 285-297.
doi : 10.3406/espos.1985.1042
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/espos_0755-7809_1985_num_3_2_1042Résumé
La géographie du chômage : le cas du Danemark.
La géographie danoise du chômage (ou des taux d'inactivité - les deux variables étant largement
corrélées -) rencontre les grandes tendances observées ailleurs en Europe capitaliste : chômage plus
faible dans la région-capitale ; croissance plus rapide du chômage dans les régions centrales que dans
les régions périphériques depuis le début des années 70 ; chômage féminin et des jeunes
particulièrement fort dans les zones périphériques alors que le chômage masculin est relativement plus
élevé dans les régions centrales. Les statistiques danoises permettent une analyse géographique fine
des segmentations sur le marché du travail, en tenant compte à la fois de l'offre et de la demande de
travail. S. Illeris analyse ainsi, pour l'ensemble du Danemark, le marché du travail des jeunes femmes
ayant une formation commerciale ou de bureau, celui des universitaires des deux sexes et, à l'intérieur
de la région de Copenhague, celui des hommes sans qualification âgés de 25 à 49 ans. Les schémas
de localisation de ces trois marchés du travail sont fort différents. Cette conception de la géographie du
chômage s'ajuste bien aux modèles généraux qui avancent qu'il n'y a pas une seule explication simple
au chômage dans les pays capitalistes avancés.
Abstract
The geography of unemployment or non-occupied populations shows in Denmark the same pattern as
elsewhere in capitalist Europe: total unemployment rates are weaker in the capital region; since the
early 1970's, unemployment has increased more in core regions than in outlying areas; female and
youth unemployment rates are particularly high in peripherical regions; male unemployment rates are
relatively higher in core regions. Danish data allow a precise geographical analysis of segmentations on
the labour market, considering both supply and demand. So, S. Illeris studies, for the whole of Denmark,
unemployment among young women with a clerical or sales education, among both sexes people with
academic education and, inside the Copenhagen area only, among unskilled, middle-aged men. There
is no simple pattern for those three labour markets. This conception of the geography of unemployment
fits well into those general models which believe that there is no one simple explanation of
unemployment in advanced capitalist countries.ESPACE POPULATIONS SOCIÉTÉS 1985-11 pp. 285-297
THE GEOGRAPHY OF hxeriss.
Commission des
UNEMPLOYMENT : Communautés Européennes (•)
THE CASE OF DENMARK
variation this geographical Statistical paper of is unemployment, variation. to data present on As unemployment such a which conclusion, analyses, are not in and possible some Denmark to policy discuss in most allow measures the countries. analyses factors are Hence on which suggested. the the influence geographical purpose the of
Theoretical Background and existing Knowledge
The background of the paper is to be found in recent theories on « dual » or
« segmented » labour markets. This is not the place to discuss these in detail, the
reader may for example be referred to Piore (1975). Suffice it to say that the labour
markets in* capitalist countries are conceived as being divided into primary markets with
stable employment, good pay and career opportunities (often inside the same corporation)
- and on the other hand secondary markets with high risks of unemployment and low
wages. It is easier for men with at least some education to enter the primary markets, while
unskilled women, ethnic minorities and marginal groups are left on the secondary markets.
When the paper is based on this theory, it also inherits its weaknesses, especially the
rigid distinction between having work and not having work. We shall not deal with the
blurred transitions the formal and the informal economies.
If a simplistic version of the theory of the dual labour market were provided with a
geographical dimension, one might easily arrive at a very crude picture of the geography of
unemployment. How simple, for instance, would it not be to say that primary labour
markets exist in the core regions and secondary labour markets exist in peripheral regions.
But the question is whether such a statement is really warranted.
To answer that question, we need to analyse the geographical variation of
unemployment within groups that belong, respectively, to the primary and the secondary
labour markets.
Existing studies in Western Europe have only had access to data on the geographical
variation of unemployment among the total labour force and in different age- and sex-
groups (Keeble et al. 1981, Steinle 1983, Commission of the European Communities 1984,
Nielsen 1984). The findings of these studies are that :
— total unemployment rates are higher in peripheral regions than in core regions,
— since the early 1970's, unemployment has increased more in core regions than in
peripheral regions,
(*) Direction Générale de la Science, de la Recherche et du Développement. Fast-XII. Rue de la Loi, 200. B-1049
Bruxelles. ESPACE POPULATIONS SOCIÉf ES 1985-II 286
— male female unemployment and youth unemployment rates are relatively rates are higher particularly in core high regions. in peripheral regions,
Clearly the analysis of these categories only render some very crude results, not
corresponding very well with the concepts of primary and secondary labour markets.
This is where the Danish data are valuable, allowing a delimitation of groups which
correspond much better to the segments occurring on, respectively, the primary and the
secondary labour markets.
Before presenting the Danish data I shall, however, describe the way in which I intend
to analyse the geographical variation of the unemployment of such groups. In each local
labour market, I will look for the factors on the demand side and on the supply side which
may explain the unemployment within a certain group. In other words : if a certain
segment shows particularly high unemployment in a certain area, is it then due to a lack of
demand or to an excessive supply?
The next step will be to ask why the demand for a certain kind of labour is particularly
low or high in different areas, drawing upon the findings of economic geography and
regional economics. And similarly, why is the supply of a certain kind of labour
particularly high or low in different areas, taking into account the results of population
geography and demography.
Thus I use an accountancy technique similar to the one used by the Cambridge
Economic Policy Group since 1980. Of course the static picture of demand and supply
ought to be supplemented by an analysis of the development. It is for instance quite
possible that, in a certain area where the demand for a certain category of labour is not
particularly low now, a recent decrease in the demand may be responsible for
unemployment among this labour force. The data used do not yet allow such an analysis,
but some information from other sources will be taken into account (Illeris & Pilegaard
Jensen 1982).
It should be stressed that this framework, separating the demand and the supply sides
of the labour market, can only be applied in the short run. In the long run the two
influence each other. For instance a large supply of labour in traditional agricultural
regions has formed the basis for industrial development. Inversely, the demand from textile
industry in central Jutland meant that female participation rates increased much earlier in
this area than in other parts of Denmark.
The Data
The Danish data are retrieved from public registers of population, of people insured
against unemployment or applying for work through labour exchanges, of employers and
tax-payers, and of students at educational institutions. For better and for worse, it is now
possible to combine all these data (and several others), using the personal number of each
individual as a link.
The data describe the number of unemployed persons and the labour force, by age-,
sex- and educational groups.
There is hardly any other kind of statistical data which is so full of problems as labour
market data. It is necessary to evaluate the data critically.
The total labour force is defined as the unemployed persons (see below) plus persons
who according to taxation data earn salaries or wages or are self-employed. ESPACE POPULATIONS SOCIÉTÉS 1985-11 287
Unemployed persons are defined as (a) persons, who are entitled to unemployment
doles, plus (b) other registered at the labour exchanges as wanting jo

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