This is the first monograph devoted to the diplomatic history of Austria's Schleswig policy in the 1848-52 period. The Hungarian historian has used mainly unpublished sources, written in Danish, German, French, and Hungarian to trace Austrian and Hungarian connections to the First Schleswig War and the intricacies of Austro-Danish diplomatic relations throughout the period. The book first sets out the basic problem of the Schleswig conflict within the Danish monarchy and the Prusso-Austrian contention for hegemony in Germany, and then examines how the Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of 1848/49 was connected to the First Schleswig War. Finally, it explores Austria's efforts at consolidation after gaining the upper hand in Germany. The main protagonist of the book, however, is not Austria, Denmark, Germany or Hungary, but the common past of Europe. What makes the writing unique is the way it connects European diplomatic history with the history of Central and Eastern Europe, Scandinavia and the province of Schleswig-Holstein.
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Extrait
R E N ÁTA R A Á B
AUSTRIA’S SCHLESWIG POLICY –
L’Harmattan Hongrie
C K Collection dirigée par Enikő Sepsi
ISSN 9
R ENÁTA R A Á B
AUSTRIA’S SCHLESWIG POLICY 1848–1852
Károli Gáspár University of te Reformed Curc in Hungary L’Harmattan Publishing • Éditions L’Harmattan
Budapest • Paris 9
Publising Director: Enikő Sepsi, Ádám Gyenes, Xavier Pryen
Series Editor: Enikő Sepsi
Károli Gáspár University of te Reformed Curc in Hungary Kálvin tér 9. H9 Budapest, Hungary T: + 9
L’Harmattan Kiadó Kossut Lajos utca . H Budapest, Hungary
L’Harmattan France 7 rue de l’Ecole Polytecnique 7 Paris
he publising of te book was supported by te Ministry of Human Capacities.
Cover: Otto Bace, Soldaternes jemkomst til Købenavn, 9 Danis Soldiers Return to Copenagen, Oil on canvas, Credit: Det Nationalistoriske Museum på Frederiksborg Slot, Poto: Kit Weiss
he Austrian istorian Fritz Fellner once declared tat Czec, Polis, Hungarian and Croatian istorians ave never been able to write ‘Austrian istory’, because ‘only German nationals [witin te Habsburg Empire] considered temselves Austrian’. Weter or not Fellner was rigt, istorians from oter nationalities of te former empire even Hungarians, Croatians or Poles may occasionally encounter a topic of Austrian istory tat obliges tem to take te risk. All te more so if as in te present case te topic is one tat Austrian istoriograpy as ignored. In taking up tis callenge, owever, we must put aside te sligtly tendentious istorical training of te Monarcy’s grievanceridden successor states and like wellscooled Metternician bureaucrats rise above te multinational mass of te Habsburg Monarcy, focusing on te events temselves and te interests of wat was at tat time a unified state and a great power of Europe. Here, I adopt tis attitude towards a particular segment of Austria’s foreign policy: te andling of te Scleswig question between and . he reader may be curious as to wy a Hungarian as cosen to take te standpoint of te Austrian Gesamtmonarcie in tis somewat unattractively complex subject. Firstly, aving completed my 999 degree dissertation, written primarily on te basis of Danis press articles, I wanted to find out weter its main conclusion tat te Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of /9 ad a significant impact on te emergence of Danis politics could be substantiated from contemporary diplomatic arcive documents. Or was it only a press reaction tat affected te political views of te public but ad no practical influence on official Danis diplomats and politicians? Hungarian sources from /9 ave little to offer in answering tis question, because te Kingdom of Hungary, a component of te Austrian Empire, did not manage to assert its own foreign policy or set up diplomatic representation during its attempt at independence. Lajos Kossut of Hungary and František Palacký of Boemia as well as te Croatianborn Baron Jellačić and te
Fritz Fellner: Die Historiograpie zur österreiciscdeutscen Problematik als Spiegel der nationalen Diskussion, in Österreic und die deutsce Frage im 9. und . Jarundert, Wien, Verlag für Gescicte und Politik, 9, .
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INTRODUCTION
AustrianGerman Franz Scuselka were represented in Copenagen by te Austrian minister Baron Vrints. Consequently, te route to understanding te international, and specifically Nortern European, context of Hungarian events of /9 lies troug a study of Austrian and Danis diplomatic dispatces and instructions, important sources for Boemian, Polis, Italian and Hungarian as well as Austrian istory. Links between te Hungarian Revolution and te hree Years’ War Treårskrigen or, in German istoriograpy, te ScleswigHolstein uprising, , would not be enoug in temselves, owever, to justify te coice of topic. Wat Hungarian and Austrian istorians ave always failed to grasp is tat te Scleswig question was not a marginal problem or te story of a periperal province, but te alpa and omega of te German question, and it actively involved all of te great European powers. As Eric Marcks as put it, ‘ere, all European power converged.’ he multidimensional Scleswig question, because of geograpy located at te exit of te Baltic Sea and te simultaneous presence of dynastic, constitutionallaw and nationality factors, engaged te diplomatic attentions of te great European powers trougout te nineteent century. he affairs of te Ducy of Scleswig and te hree Years’ War tat was fougt for its possession must terefore be approaced from a European perspective. Among te attitudes to te Scleswig question and to te German question in general taken by te European powers, Austria’s as a special zest and piquancy. Austria often found itself in a contradictory position on te issue owing to its dual capacity as a German and a European power. It was te only member of te Concert of Europe, apart from France, to ave no direct geostrategic interests in te region, unlike Russia, Great Britain and Prussia. Austria terefore found te Scleswig question onerous, but recognized tat to maintain its position as first presidential power of te German Confederation against te constant callenge of Prussia, it could not avoid getting involved in an issue of suc importance for German national development. ‘Woever grasps te initiative in te Scleswig question will unite Germany,’ is a statement from an article of te Viennese newspaperPresseof May . In te matter of te integrity of te Danis monarcy, Austria, constrained by German considerations, was unable to be as resolute and fortrigt as were Russia, Great Britain, France and even Prussia, wic in openly made more of its Germanness tan of its role as a European power. Metternic eloquently expressed Austrian diplomatic restraint in te Scleswig question in a andwritten marginal note to a dispatc from is minister in Copenagen,
Eric Marcks: Die europäisce Mäcte und die er Revolution,Historisce Zeitscrift,, 9, 79. Paul Mectler:Die öffentlice Meinung in Österreic zur scleswig-olsteiniscen Frage 1863-64,Neumünster, Karl Wacoltz Verlag, 9, 9.
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INTRODUCTION
Maximilian heobald Josep Vrints von Treuenfeld, of July 7: ‘Count[Heinric] ReventlowCriminil [foreign minister of Denmark] is correct in attributing significance to our silence in tis case… in respect of te Open Letter… we wis only to listen.’ his silence, signifying a neutral stance, free of any vociferous, positive, definite political attitudes, pervaded Austrian Scleswig policy rigt up to . It is tis quality tat makes a study of Austrian Scleswig policy so difficult, silence and restraint being difficult for a researcer to track down. hat te apparently marginal Scleswig question was actually decisive in Austria’s istory emerges clearly from a comment by its foreign minister, Karl Ferdinand BuolScauenstein, wen defending imself and criticizing is successor, Count Joann Bernard Recberg: ‘In 9, after two defeats in battle, we lost a province, and in , after two victories in battle, we lost te wole of Germany.’ Also true of te subject as a wole is a comment by te autor of Russia’s Scleswig policy: it is te intersection of European diplomatic istory wit te istory of Central and Eastern Europe and Scandinavia and te provincial istory of ScleswigHolstein tat gives te subject its beauty, but also its callenging complication. his book as a complex objective. Beyond te Hungarian connections, it sets out to follow te course of Austrian and Danis diplomatic relations step by step; to present from te aspect of Scleswig question and its symbiosis wit German unity te events of PrussianAustrian rivalry; and to illuminate Austria’s opes and options and te effect of its Scleswig policy on te pan German question. Considering tat te hree Years’ War is not well known in eiter Hungary or Austria, te book also attempts inasmuc as te Austrian connections wit te diplomatic istory of war allows to fill tis gap and present te main course of events. he start and end points of te period are almost selfdefining. Bot monarcies were swept into civil war by te events of Marc , and tere was a rapid political transformation in bot places. Wereas te elimination of internal opponents and te restoration of te unified state effectively reaced completion in Austria by autumn 9, enabling te empire to recover its strengt and regain its leading German role after te Prussian callenge, te preMarc unity of te Danis state was restored only at te end of January , largely troug te good offices of Scwarzenberg, te Austrian prime minister and foreign minister. he pacification of Scleswig and Holstein
Joann Albrect von Rantzau ed.:Europäisce Quellen zur Scleswig-Holsteiniscen Gescicte im 19. Jarundert. Akten aus dem Wiener Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarciv 1818-1852,Breslau, Hirt Verlag, 9, Veröffentlicungen der ScleswigHolsteiniscen i, Universitätsgesellscaft, Scriften der Baltiscen Kommission zu Kiel, , . Quoted in Fritz Fellner: Österreic und die scleswigolsteinisce Frage, inDer deutsc-dänisce Frieden von 1864,Kiel, ScleswigHolsteiniscer Heimatbund, 99, . Randolf Oberscmidt:Russland und die scleswig-olsteinisce Frage 1839–1853,Frankfurt a. M, Peter Lang, 997, .