Kastom, cargo and the construction of Utopia on Santo, Vanuatu: the Nagriamel movement - article ; n°2 ; vol.85, pg 181-199

Erich Kolig

Description

Journal de la Société des océanistes - Année 1987 - Volume 85 - Numéro 2 - Pages 181-199
SUMMARY
In 1980, as the condominium of the New Hebrides was about to become the new, independent nation of Vanuatu, two major secession moves, one on the island of Tanna and another one on Espiritu Santo, occurred threatening to tear this island nation apart. In this paper the dominant political ideology involved in the secession attempt on Santo is discussed to point up its historical complexity and internal contradictions. Autochthonous traditionalism and its main political proponent on Santo, the Nagriamel movement, in using the concept of kastom in fact draw on many non-traditional contents. Far from having been the last hurrah of a conservative tribalism opposed to its incorporation into a modern western-type nation and imminent immersion into a faceless citizenry, the secession turns out to have, to a considerable extent, been inspired by a colonial ideological heritage, as rich as it is diverse and already considerably removed from pre-European cultural and ideological roots.
RÉSUMÉ
En 1980, alors que le condominium des Nouvelles-Hébrides était sur le point de devenir le nouvel état indépendant de Vanuatu, deux importants mouvements de sécession apparurent, l'un à Tanna, l'autre à Espiritu Santo, qui menacèrent de déchirer en morceaux cette nation insulaire. Cet article discute l'idéologie politique dominante liée à la tentative de sécession de Santo afin d'en souligner la complexité historique et les contradictions internes. Le traditionalisme autochtone et son principal porte-parole à Santo, le mouvement Nagriamel, en utilisant le concept de kastom firent appel, en réalité, à de nombreux éléments qui n'avaient rien de traditionnel. Loin d'être le chant du cygne d'un tribalisme conservateur s1 opposant à son intégration à une nation moderne de type occidental et à son immersion imminente dans une masse anonyme de citoyens, la sécession se révèle avoir reçu largement l'inspiration de l'héritage colonial aussi riche que divers et déjà fort éloigné des racines pré-européennes dans le domaine culturel et idéologique.
19 pages
Source : Persée ; Ministère de la jeunesse, de l’éducation nationale et de la recherche, Direction de l’enseignement supérieur, Sous-direction des bibliothèques et de la documentation.

Informations

• Publié par: JOURNAL_DE_LA_SOCIETE_DES_OCEANISTES
• Publié le: 01 janvier 1987
• Nombre de lectures: 83
• Langue: English
• Poids de l'ouvrage: 2 Mo

Extrait

Erich Kolig
Kastom, cargo and the construction of Utopia on Santo,
Vanuatu: the Nagriamel movement
In: Journal de la Société des océanistes. 85, 1987-2. pp. 181-199.
Abstract
SUMMARY
In 1980, as the condominium of the New Hebrides was about to become the new, independent nation of Vanuatu, two major
secession moves, one on the island of Tanna and another one on Espiritu Santo, occurred threatening to tear this island nation
apart. In this paper the dominant political ideology involved in the secession attempt on Santo is discussed to point up its
historical complexity and internal contradictions. Autochthonous traditionalism and its main political proponent on Santo, the
Nagriamel movement, in using the concept of kastom in fact draw on many non-traditional contents. Far from having been the
last hurrah of a conservative tribalism opposed to its incorporation into a modern western-type nation and imminent immersion
into a faceless citizenry, the secession turns out to have, to a considerable extent, been inspired by a colonial ideological
heritage, as rich as it is diverse and already considerably removed from pre-European cultural and ideological roots.
Résumé
RÉSUMÉ
En 1980, alors que le condominium des Nouvelles-Hébrides était sur le point de devenir le nouvel état indépendant de Vanuatu,
deux importants mouvements de sécession apparurent, l'un à Tanna, l'autre à Espiritu Santo, qui menacèrent de déchirer en
morceaux cette nation insulaire. Cet article discute l'idéologie politique dominante liée à la tentative de sécession de Santo afin
d'en souligner la complexité historique et les contradictions internes. Le traditionalisme autochtone et son principal porte-parole à
Santo, le mouvement Nagriamel, en utilisant le concept de kastom firent appel, en réalité, à de nombreux éléments qui n'avaient
rien de traditionnel. Loin d'être le chant du cygne d'un tribalisme conservateur s1 opposant à son intégration à une nation
moderne de type occidental et à son immersion imminente dans une masse anonyme de citoyens, la sécession se révèle avoir
reçu largement l'inspiration de l'héritage colonial aussi riche que divers et déjà fort éloigné des racines pré-européennes dans le
domaine culturel et idéologique.
Citer ce document / Cite this document :
Kolig Erich. Kastom, cargo and the construction of Utopia on Santo, Vanuatu: the Nagriamel movement. In: Journal de la
Société des océanistes. 85, 1987-2. pp. 181-199.
doi : 10.3406/jso.1987.2578
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/jso_0300-953X_1987_num_85_2_2578Cargo Kastom,
and the construction of Utopia on Santo,
Vanuatu : the Nagriamel movement1
by
Erich KOLIG*
«L'âge d'or qu'une aveugle tra diverse ideas which have coalesced into
what Ernst Bloch has called « begriffene dition a placé dans le passé, est
devant nous. » Hoffnung », and led to a particular type of
political action. (Saint-Simon)
In Vanuatu, kastom is a well-used politi
cal slogan (see Tonkinson, 1982). In
In this paper I propose to discuss the governmental policies, public releases,
dominant political ideology on the island and legislation as much as in the every
of Espiritu Santo. So doing is apt to shed day use by the proverbial man in the
light on the rise of the secession move streets of the capital Port Vila or in « the
which in 1980 purported to sever this bush » of outlying islands, the idea of kas
island from the rest of the newly created tom is frequently encountered. However,
nation of Vanuatu, formerly the condomi despite its wide use, kastom has little, if
nium of the New Hebrides. An explanat any, unifying quality. Only on the most
ory attempt by Bonnemaison (1985) inte superficial level can it serve to give a
rpreted the events mainly in terms of an semblance of unity in this newly created
independent nation spread over a far- expression of tribal particularism, the cent
rifugal force of the old Melanesian socio flung archipelago, and in which a sense of
political order straining against a modern nationhood is virtually non-existent among
centralised state. My approach addresses the inhabitants. It is only in a very vague
the complexity of ideological and to some and unspecified sense that kastom can be
extent historical conditions on the island. used, as is frequently done, as a rallying
The argument put forward here and the cry by a central government, desirous of
description on which it broadly rests, do national reconciliation and unification of a
not so much hold kastom in the sense of nation deeply divided as a consequence
of a cripplingly bifurcate colonialism as « autochtonie », as Bonnemaison calls it,
responsible for the armed conflict on the well as rent by insular particularism. A
islands of Santo and Tanna, but rather kas recent author, Philibert (1986), views the
situation with considerable cynicism. « The tom as a Utopian concept of mixed deri
vation. Kastom, as it inspired the « rebel party in power has applied itself to inven
lion », is in effect a melange of quite ting « traditions », kastom, he says (p. 7)
* Anthropology Department, University of Otago, Dunedin.
1. Two Otago Research Grants made it possible for me to visit Vanuatu (New Hebrides) in 1977-1978 and
1985. My thanks to N. Kolig, B. Campillo, head of orstom at Port Vila, J. and F. Stevens for their cooperat
ion and help. In the days of the Condominium, members of both French and British administrations assis
ted in my research in various ways. SOCIÉTÉ DES OCÉANISTES 182
and calls it post-colonialist fetishism. The ingredient in the construction of « Utopia »,
« westernised elite which knows least the political vision of what Vanuatu society
about kastom is busy inventing them (tra ought to be, rather than merely reflecting
ditions) », he comments sarcastically. His existing reality. Not surprisingly then the
outspoken critique stops only a step short clash between rival ideas of what consti
of calling the artificial construction of neo- tutes kastom goes far beyond merely an
traditional symbols of stateship a conspi « academic » ideological debate. It entails
racy of the ruling Westernised elite and decidedly practical political consequenc
bureaucracy pursuing their own self- es. The fate of Espiritu Santo is a good
case in point of a violent confrontation beserving ends.
tween such kast om-laden « Utopias ». Indeed kastom has many uses and assu
mes quite drastically different meanings in The purist expectation that kastom, if
the lives of the ni-Vanuatu. Any practical deserving of the name, must either be
use of kastom beyond simply harnessing customary in the sense of linking up with
it for political showmanship, which Hours what is of current as well as long-standing
(1979, p. 19) derisively calls « buffoonery practice or be a faithful and authentic
and mise en scene », such as the ceremon reflection of the cultural past, or prefe
ious slaughter of pigs at state festivities, rably both, remains totally unmet. Kastom
is apt to generate friction rather than as a political concept. is neither, and not
accord. Every attempt to bring the con only for the simple fact that the past can
cept of kastom into sharper focus beyond not be reconstituted. As a political concept
kastom always is more or less an artificial catchy but in the final analysis empty slo
gans, immediately uncovers considerable construct, devised for reasons of political
differences and is prone to generate gross expediency, nostalgia or conservatism.
disunity. As kastom both ideologically and Alternatively, kastom may well refer to a
on a practical level, where it is a guide complex of current practices and beliefs
to the patterning of daily life and to the of some autochthonous authenticity which,
definition of political goals, assumes however, on closer inspection turn out to
be an amalgam with some considerable strongly divergent guises, it foments
furiously partisan and often intolerant alien imput. In all cases, however, it is
argument among rival proponents. (Sever true to say that kastom as a political con
al contributors to a recent volume entit cept refers to a consciously and purposely
constructed « tradition » rather than a led Reinventing Traditional Culture, edited
culture-historical reality. What elevates by Keesing and Tonkinson (1982) discus
sed this fact in more or less detail.) cultural patterns to becoming tradition, is
Conceptually kastom, the Bislama term the discernment, whether objectively true
for custom or indigenous culture, refers or not, of more or less unbroken continua
quite unambiguously to lore, beliefs, social which make them seem suitable as
patterns and practices of indigenous, pre- symbols of a desirable past and establish
colonial provenance as opposed to later, a link with it without necessarily having to superimpositions. In actual reality, be a mirror image of it. What makes kas
however, the substance of this almost tom to kastom, in other words, is not c