Les universitaires étrangers dans une ville mondiale : le cas de Hong Kong - article ; n°1 ; vol.15, pg 121-137

-

Documents
19 pages
Obtenez un accès à la bibliothèque pour le consulter en ligne
En savoir plus

Description

Revue européenne de migrations internationales - Année 1999 - Volume 15 - Numéro 1 - Pages 121-137
Les universitaires étrangers dans une ville mondiale : le cas de Hong Kong.
Allan M. Findlay, Lin Li et Ron Skeldon.
On a beaucoup écrit sur les relations internationales entre les grandes villes, mais la plupart des recherches se sont focalisées sur l'analyse de la force de travail dans le secteur secondaire ou sur la mobilité des cadres et des professionnels induite par les mouvements internationaux de capitaux. Cet article supplée à l'absence de recherches sur la migration vers les grandes villes de professionnels de secteurs de la santé et de l'éducation. Il s'appuie sur une enquête auprès de plus de 400 universitaires étrangers qui contribuent à la spécialisation internationale des compétences de Hong Kong en tant que ville mondiale. Les circonstances historiques spécifiques qui gouvernent le changement du rôle de Hong Kong dans les années quatre-vingt-dix, qui est passé du statut de colonie britannique à celui de ville mondiale chinoise ajoute une dimension exceptionnelle à cette analyse.
Foreign Academies in a Global City : the case of Hong Kong.
Allan M. Findlay, Lin Li and Ron Skeldon.
Much has been written about the international linkages of global cities, but most migration research on this topic has focused either on labour for the secondary sector or professional and managerial staff moving in relation to flows of international capital. This paper addresses the lack of research on skilled migration to global cities by professionals working in public sector activities such as health and education. The empirical context is a survey of over 400 foreign academies contributing to the international skill specialisation of Hong Kong as a global city. The historically specific circumstances of Hong Kong's changing role in the 1990s from British colony to Chinese global city adds an extra dimension to the analysis.
Los universitarios extranjeros en una ciudad mundial.
Allan M. Findlay, Lin Li and Ron Skeldon.
Se ha escrito mucho sobre las relaciones internacionales entre las grandes ciudades, sin embargo la mayoria de las investigaciones se han centrado bien en el análisis de la fuerza de trabajo en el sector secundario, o bien en la movilidad de los ejecutivos y de los profesionales inducida por los movimientos de capital. Este artículo viene a llenar el vacio existente en la investigación sobre la migración cualificada de profesionales de la educacion y de la sanidad hacia las grandes ciudades. Los autores analizan la cuestión apoyándose en una encuesta realizada a más de 400 universitarios extranjeros que contribuyen a la especialización internacional de las competencias de Hong Kong como ciudad mundial. Las circunstancias historicas específicas que durante la década de los noventa han hecho posible la transformacion del estatuto de Hong Kong, que ha dejado de ser colonia británica para convertirse en gran ciudad china agregan una dimensión particular a este estudio.
17 pages
Source : Persée ; Ministère de la jeunesse, de l’éducation nationale et de la recherche, Direction de l’enseignement supérieur, Sous-direction des bibliothèques et de la documentation.

Sujets

Informations

Publié par
Publié le 01 janvier 1999
Nombre de visites sur la page 14
Langue English
Signaler un problème

Monsieur Allan Findlay
Lin Li
Ron Skeldon
Les universitaires étrangers dans une ville mondiale : le cas de
Hong Kong
In: Revue européenne de migrations internationales. Vol. 15 N°1. Migration et ethnicité au Royaume-Uni. pp. 121-
137.
Citer ce document / Cite this document :
Findlay Allan, Li Lin, Skeldon Ron. Les universitaires étrangers dans une ville mondiale : le cas de Hong Kong. In: Revue
européenne de migrations internationales. Vol. 15 N°1. Migration et ethnicité au Royaume-Uni. pp. 121-137.
doi : 10.3406/remi.1999.1667
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/remi_0765-0752_1999_num_15_1_1667Résumé
Les universitaires étrangers dans une ville mondiale : le cas de Hong Kong.
Allan M. Findlay, Lin Li et Ron Skeldon.
On a beaucoup écrit sur les relations internationales entre les grandes villes, mais la plupart des
recherches se sont focalisées sur l'analyse de la force de travail dans le secteur secondaire ou sur la
mobilité des cadres et des professionnels induite par les mouvements internationaux de capitaux. Cet
article supplée à l'absence de recherches sur la migration vers les grandes villes de professionnels de
secteurs de la santé et de l'éducation. Il s'appuie sur une enquête auprès de plus de 400 universitaires
étrangers qui contribuent à la spécialisation internationale des compétences de Hong Kong en tant que
ville mondiale. Les circonstances historiques spécifiques qui gouvernent le changement du rôle de
Hong Kong dans les années quatre-vingt-dix, qui est passé du statut de colonie britannique à celui de
ville mondiale chinoise ajoute une dimension exceptionnelle à cette analyse.
Abstract
Foreign Academies in a Global City : the case of Hong Kong.
Allan M. Findlay, Lin Li and Ron Skeldon.
Much has been written about the international linkages of global cities, but most migration research on
this topic has focused either on labour for the secondary sector or professional and managerial staff
moving in relation to flows of international capital. This paper addresses the lack of research on skilled
migration to global cities by professionals working in public sector activities such as health and
education. The empirical context is a survey of over 400 foreign academies contributing to the
international skill specialisation of Hong Kong as a global city. The historically specific circumstances of
Hong Kong's changing role in the 1990s from British colony to Chinese global city adds an extra
dimension to the analysis.
Resumen
Los universitarios extranjeros en una ciudad mundial.
Allan M. Findlay, Lin Li and Ron Skeldon.
Se ha escrito mucho sobre las relaciones internacionales entre las grandes ciudades, sin embargo la
mayoria de las investigaciones se han centrado bien en el análisis de la fuerza de trabajo en el sector
secundario, o bien en la movilidad de los ejecutivos y de los profesionales inducida por los movimientos
de capital. Este artículo viene a llenar el vacio existente en la investigación sobre la migración
cualificada de profesionales de la educacion y de la sanidad hacia las grandes ciudades. Los autores
analizan la cuestión apoyándose en una encuesta realizada a más de 400 universitarios extranjeros
que contribuyen a la especialización internacional de las competencias de Hong Kong como ciudad
mundial. Las circunstancias historicas específicas que durante la década de los noventa han hecho
posible la transformacion del estatuto de Hong Kong, que ha dejado de ser colonia británica para
convertirse en gran ciudad china agregan una dimensión particular a este estudio.Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales, 1999(15) 1 pp. 121-137 121
Foreign academics in a global city :
the case of Hong Kong
A.M. FINDLAY*, F.L.N. LI** and R. SKELDON*
Education is one of the most powerful forces for development, both as a
supplier of the manpower necessary for a modern economy and as a consumer of
human and physical resources. Education also serves major functions in the
globalisation of human activities, not least in internationalised economic exchanges.
These exchanges are co-ordinated from urban centres that have emerged to create a
functionally integrated hierarchy of global cities (Friedmann, 1986 ; King, 1990 ;
Sassen, 1991). These global cities control the increasingly complex structure of
international capital flows and need to be supported by the development of high quality
education, particularly in the tertiary sector. Arguably the greatest, certainly the longest
established, universities are not found in what could be classified as global cities :
Bologna, Heidelberg, Tubingen, Oxford, Cambridge, Harvard, Yale, Princeton,
Ryukoku (Kyoto). However, there is no global city without its great university or
universities.
Sassen (1991) has demonstrated that global cities attract not only
international capital, but also international migrants. These migrants, she proposed,
are divided into two very different groups of workers : a wealthy, highly mobile group
of professionals on the one hand, and a poorly paid group on the other who provide
the basic services needed by the wealthy group, that « new labour aristocracy »
(Waldinger, 1992). This bipolar division of labour may be an oversimplification, or it
may not describe the situation in many global cities, and much further research is
required into this issue. Some, such as Sassen (1988), have focused on the migration
to global cities largely in terms of unskilled labour, while others, such as Beaverstock
* Department of Geography, University of Dundee DD 1 4HN, UK.
** of of DD1 UK.
*** Population Division, UNESCAP Bangkok, Thailand. 122 A.M. FINDLAY, F.L.N. LI and R. SKELDON
(1994), have pursued the skilled side of the international moves. As global cities are
the principal locations for the headquarters of transnational corporations, they are host
to large numbers of skilled immigrants moving both within these companies and also
independently. For one study of mobility and migration within the electronics
industry, see Findlay et al. (1996).
The status of a global city is determined ultimately by its tertiary function
rather than by its significance as a manufacturing centre. Studies of banking and other
financial organisations attest to the importance of international skill transfers among
institutions in the major world financial sectors (Beaverstock, 1994, 1996 ;
Beaverstock and Smith, 1996). However, relatively little is known about highly skilled
staff working outside the private sector. Global cities, as centres of international skill
specialisation and centres of training and research excellence, are nodes in the
exchange of knowledge. Just how the international mobility of faculty and students
plays a part in sustaining centres of research excellence remains largely
unknown.
The need for transnational companies temporarily to transfer staff from one
country to another for various functions (corporate communication, control and
supervision etc.) has been identified as a key mechanism accounting for a significant
part of observed skilled transient migration (Salt, 1988). In tertiary education, there are
no similar mechanisms of employer-initiated international transfers within the internal
labour market of institutions. Short-term secondments or sabbatical visits to other
universities are not uncommon, often facilitated by governments, but many
employment-related international moves undertaken by academics are channelled in
other ways. The extent to which academic personnel participate in the increased
population mobility around the globe, and the nature of their participation, are poorly
understood.
In an attempt to examine the mobility of academic personnel, the authors
undertook a survey of a sample of foreign staff employed in state-sponsored, higher
education and research institutions in Hong Kong. Drawing on the results from this
survey, the following objectives are pursued in this paper :
• to evaluate the characteristics of academic migration to Hong Kong ;
• to consider any changes in these characteristics in the context of Hong
Kong's transition from a British to a Chinese global city.
HONG KONG AS GLOBAL CITY AND THE ROLE OF THE
TERTIARY EDUCATION SECTOR
In the latter part of the twentieth century it has become evident that economic
and political forces operating at a global level, rather than socio-economic factors
working at a local level, have come to be the primary influences controlling
REMI 1999(15)1 pp. 121-137 Foreign academics in a global city 123
international migration. This has been as true of Hong Kong as it has been for other
Asian tiger economies. Over the last two decades, Hong Kong has emerged as a key
player in the international economy, meeting the many criteria of being a global city
(Friedmann, 1986 ; Skeldon, 1997b). Particularly, its functions in the economic growth
of the Pearl River delta and in linking the area to the international market are widely
recognised (Friedmann, 1995 ; Skeldon 1997a ; Sung et al., 1995). The 1984 Sino-
British Joint Declaration over the future of Hong Kong, and the post- 1979 opening up
of China to foreign capital, facilitated an economic boom in southern China. Millions
of mainland Chinese workers are working in enterprises set up by Hong Kong investors
in southern China. Encompassing this enormous workforce, the city of Hong Kong has
become the financial core of a major manufacturing region. It is a central global hub of
transportation and communications, and a vital commercial centre in which the
regional headquarters of over 700 transnational corporations are located (Hong Kong
Government Industry Department, 1995a). It is also a major cultural and convocation
centre, and it now has eight institutions of higher learning, funded through its
University Grants Committee (UGC)1.
Given Hong Kong's status as a global city, a relationship can be expected
between the scale of financial flows into the territory and the volume and character of
immigration. Globalisation has had both direct and indirect effects on migration trends.
A direct linkage is evident from the results of an annual survey of inward investment in
companies in Hong Kong. This shows not only that there has been a vast increase in
foreign capital in the 1980s and the 1990s, but also that inward investment companies
employ a significant number of expatriates. The survey also revealed that more than
half of these foreign employees were transferred to Hong Kong by their employers
from another branch of the company (Hong Kong Government Industry Department,
1995b). This confirms the significant role of inward investment in stimulating specific
patterns of skilled international migration.
The indirect linkage between Hong Kong's changing international role and
migration is revealed by official statistics, which confirm the rising number of foreign
nationals present in Hong Kong. As the wealth of the territory has grown, so too has the
demand for migrant services, particularly for domestic maids and construction workers,
but also for the highly skilled. Although there is some evidence that inmigration may
have slowed recently, as one of the authors of this paper observed as early as 1990,
there was unlikely to be a mass exodus from Hong Kong in the lead-up to the transition
to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, and the existing in- and outflows of population were
likely to be in the best interests of the continued stability and prosperity of Hong Kong
(Skeldon, 1990-91).
1 The University Grants Committee, previously known as the University and
Polytechnic Grants is an advisory body to the Hong Kong government
on the development and funding of higher education.
REMI 1999 (15) 1 pp. 121-137 124 A.M. FINDLAY, F.L.N. LI and R. SKELDON
Table 1 : Number of foreign nationals in Hong Kong at year end,
1990-1996 (top 10 countries)
Year 1992 1994 1995 1996 1990
Total Number 368,500 415,400 438,200 227,600 283,300
Philippines 61,200 83,800 115,500 128,300 128,800
United Kingdom 16,400 18,400 23,700 26,700 25,500
19,500 20,900 22,000 India 17,000 18,000
USA 19,300 23,500 29,900 32,600 34,700 Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion
Malaysia 11,700 12,600 13,800 14,200 14,300
Thailand 14,300 19,500 23,800 25,500 24,800
Australia 12,000 14,800 18,700 20,500 21,200
Japan 12,300 17,600 21,500 21,800 10,600
Canada 13,000 17,500 24,700 28,200 30,600
- Indonesia 11,000 19,700 25,900 31,600
Source of data : Hong Kong Immigration Department ; adapted from Findlay et al. (in press).
Table 1 shows that the expansion of the immigrant population has been due to
a growth of low wage service staff, such as the ever increasing numbers of Filipinos,
and also to a sharp rise in immigrants from advanced industrial nations. The dualistic
pattern of immigration to some extent upholds Sassen's (1996) thesis of immigration
fuelling social polarisation in global cities. According to the stock figures provided by
the Hong Kong Immigration Department (Table 1), the 1990s saw an expansion of the
US expatriate community in Hong Kong from 19,000 in 1990 to 35,000 in 1996, the
Japanese population increased from 1 1 ,000 to 22,000 and the comparable figures for
the UK rose from 16,000 to 26,000. For various reasons, the latter figures almost
certainly understate the size of the British expatriate community (Skeldon et al., 1995).
Census data also show that the vast majority of immigrant workers from developed
countries are employed in managerial and professional capacities. While a large
proportion of these immigrants are employed in manufacturing, financial and other
business sectors, a significant percentage (e.g. a quarter of the American working
population in the 1996 by-census) were engaged in community and social services (Li
et al., in press). These services included tertiary education, although the exact number
of foreigners involved in such services is unknown since disaggregated data were not
available.
Expansion of Hong Kong's tertiary education mirrors its growth as a global
city. Provision of tertiary education places has increased dramatically over the past 30
years with the number of full-time equivalent students rising from 4,100 in two
universities in 1965 to 69,000 in eight UGC funded institutions in 1996. The major
phase of that expansion took place after 1989 when the government decided to increase
access to full-time undergraduate education. This strategy was the direct result of a
policy to create places in Hong Kong in an attempt to prevent students leaving to
pursue their studies overseas. As a result, the proportion of the 17-20 age group who
REMI 1999(15) 1 pp. 121-137 Foreign academics in a global city 1 25
could receive tertiary education in Hong Kong rose from less than 5 per cent in the
mid-1980s to 18 per cent in 1994 (University Grants Committee, 1996).
Close examination of the higher education policy in Hong Kong reveals an
intimate link between economic development and tertiary education provision. A recent
report published by the University Grants Committee (1996) clearly indicates an
economic impetus for expansion in educational provision :
« ... as Hong Kong industry and commerce moved from low-skilled, low-wage
production towards more sophisticated markets and outputs, employers needed a better
educated workforce, including increasing numbers at the highest level » (paragraph 6.3)
« ... if Hong Kong is to retain a leading position in the commercial and
industrial development of China and the Pacific rim, it will need world-class higher
education institutions » (paragraph 29.5)
High quality staff are obviously essential to achieve the aim of providing
world-class higher education. Regarding staff recruitment, the Committee underlines
the importance of employing academics from outside the territory :
« Hitherto, HEIs [Higher Education Institutions] in Hong Kong have been
protected from localisation and introspection by their rapid rate of expansion. It has
simply not been possible to staff them by local recruitment because the number of
potential academic staff produced in earlier years was too small. That situation is now
changing. .. It will therefore be possible, and even tempting, to staff the HEIs very
largely with academics who have no experience outside Hong Kong. It is a temptation
which must be resisted. Higher education in Hong Kong, like commerce and industry,
depends for its vigour on having inputs from many cultures. If our HEIs are to attain
and remain in world class positions, if they are to pursue excellence ..., it is vital that
they include members of staff who are as familiar with libraries and laboratories in
Beijing, Canberra, both Cambridges and Tokyo as they are with those in Hong Kong
itself. » (paragraphs 33.6 & 33.7)
Throughout the report there is also an emphasis on language training in
tertiary education. Proficiency in both English and Chinese is considered to be
essential for the social and economic well-being of the territory.
The report thus suggests that immigrant academics have played, and should
continue to play, an important role in Hong Kong's higher education. Their
contribution is considered to be essential to maintaining a vibrant economy and the
continued status of Hong Kong as a global city. The role of expatriate academics,
however, can also be affected by other changes that Hong Kong has been undergoing.
The transition of Hong Kong from a British colony to a Chinese Special Administrative
Region (SAR) on the 1st July 1997 is a historical event which is likely to bring about
political and cultural changes in the territory even although the Chinese have pledged
to maintain the existing system for 50 years. To what extent the migration of academics
REMI 1999(15) lpp. 121-137 126 A.M. FINDLAY, F.L.N. LI and R. SKELDON
has been, and will continue to be, influenced by this transition, and by Hong Kong's
future economic development, will be addressed later in this paper.
While the presence of expatriates in tertiary education, especially in some of
the longer established institutions, has been fairly prominent, there is a lack of official
statistics on the size of the expatriate academic community. Higher education
institutions in Hong Kong do not maintain a record of the ethnic origin of staff but only
of the number on overseas terms of service. Many of those on such terms of service are
returned Hong Kong Chinese from overseas universities and research institutions. For
obvious reasons such information is confidential and therefore not available. Their
presence, however, demonstrates the complexity of the educated and skilled
community in Hong Kong. A Hong Kong Chinese who may have left as a youngster
and finished all of his or her education abroad, to return as a mature adult, may feel as
much a foreigner in the city as the expatriate in the strict sense. Many of those returned
Hong Kong Chinese may have foreign passports and may therefore legally be
expatriates. Given the dearth of information, there was clearly a need for a survey to
examine the characteristics of this community although the focus had to be, for
practical reasons, on the more 'typical' expatriate, the non-Chinese.
METHODOLOGY OF THE SURVEY
We conducted a postal questionnaire survey using as our sampling frame the
mailing list of the staff included in the academic calendars of Hong Kong's tertiary
education institutions for session 1993-94. At the time of the survey, Hong Kong's
tertiary education sector (funded by the University and Polytechnic Grants Committee)
consisted of three established universities (Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong
Kong University of Science and Technology, of Kong); two
polytechnics (City Polytechnic of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Polytechnic) and two
colleges (Hong Kong Baptist College, Lingnan College). All seven institutions were
included in our study. The focus of the survey was non-Chinese teaching and senior
administrative staff. We extracted from the calendars the names and departmental
addresses of all the non-Chinese members of staff. Given the impossibility of
distinguishing between surnames which could have originated in Hong Kong, China,
Taiwan, Singapore or elsewhere in the overseas Chinese network, we regrettably had to
exclude all these groups from the survey. The exclusions extended further to include
names such as Lee or King which may or may not have been Chinese. The
questionnaire asked about personal particulars, migration history, perceptions of Hong
Kong's future in relation to 1997 and various other issues. We informed the directors of
personnel at the seven institutions that we were running the survey and used the
internal mailing system in order to distribute the questionnaires.
Our survey was organised so that it was possible to relate the returned
questionnaires to particular institutions but not to particular individuals. Thus, as can be
seen in Table 2, we were able to compare response rates from the seven tertiary institutions
that we surveyed. The survey generated 429 returned questionnaires, with an overall
REMI 1999(15) 1 pp. 121-137 Foreign academics in a global city 127
response rate of 47 per cent. Fifteen of the respondents were excluded from our analysis.
These were mainly non-Chinese people who were born and brought up in Hong Kong, and
thus did not meet our criteria of being immigrants. The response rate was considered
extremely satisfactory. However, given that we offered respondents confidentiality and
anonymity, we therefore had no option of a follow-up letter or telephone call.
Table 2 : Questionnaire response rates
Number mailed Returns Response rates
340 139 40,6 HK University
158 75 47,3 HK Poly
134 64 47,8 City Poly Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion
Chinese University HK 117 57 48,7
University of Sc & Tech 54,1 85 46
Baptist College 52 29 55,8
73,1 Lingnan 26 19
TOTAL 912 429 47,0
It is interesting to note that the response rates showed a consistent inverse
correlation with the size of the expatriate population in each institution ; the smaller the
numbers, the higher the response rate (Lingnan) and vice versa (HKU). The high
response rate encountered in this survey was indicative of the co-operation we received
in our other surveys of the expatriate population in Hong Kong, whether the respondents
were engineers, civil servants or staff in tertiary education. At the time of the surveys the
issue of "localisation" of staffing within Hong Kong was under intense discussion and it
may well be that the topicality of the issue had a very positive impact on our expatriate
response rates. We consider the survey results to be a unique resource representing the
position of a large group of academic migrants at a very specific point in time.
RESULTS
Characteristics of academic immigration to Hong Kong
From our inspection of the university calendars, we estimated that expatriates
accounted for about a quarter of the total academic staff in Hong Kong's tertiary
education sector, with the proportion varying from 35-40 per cent in the case of the
University of Hong Kong to 15-20 per cent for the Chinese University of Hong Kong
and the Hong Kong Polytechnic. Such an inter-institutional variation is hardly
surprising since the University of Hong Kong is the oldest tertiary establishment with a
history closely linked to the city's colonial past. Furthermore, at the time of the survey,
all teaching and examination at this university (except in Chinese language and
literature) were carried out in English, while other tertiary institutions used varying
combinations of English, Cantonese and Mandarin.
REMI 1999(15) lpp. 121-137 128 A.M. FINDLAY, F.L.N. LI and R. SKELDON
Figure 1 shows the rapid, exponential growth in the number of expatriate staff
recruited into Hong Kong's tertiary education sector over the past 35 years. About 70
per cent of our sample were appointed in the 1984-1993 period and almost half had
taken up employment in the five years prior to the survey. This growth can partly be
explained by the fact that some of the earlier recruits would have already left the
institutions and therefore would not be included in the survey. It is also clearly a
reflection of the recent expansion in tertiary education.
Figure 1 : Survey of expatriates in tertiary education :
year when first employed in Hong Kong
Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion
59-63 64-68 69-73 74-78 79-83 84-88 89-93
Year
The overwhelming majority of the academics, irrespective of age, were male,
some 83 per cent, showing the recurrent bias in the history of university recruitment. At
the time of the survey, the majority of the respondents were in the mid to late career
phases of their employment cycle : only 3 per cent were younger than 30 with some
72,5 per cent 40 years of age or older (Table 3). Just over three quarters were married.
Table 3 : Age of expatriate respondents at time of survey
Age % Frequency
<25 2 0,5
25-29 10 2,4
96 23,2 30-39
Illustration non autorisée à la diffusion 40-49 164 39,6
50-64 136 32,9
64 + 3 0,7
3 0,7 Missing
TOTAL 414 100
REMI 1999 (15) lpp. 121-137