Federalist Papers

Alexander Hamilton

Description

Perhaps the most essential distillation of the Founders' vision of America, The Federalist Papers consist of a series of 85 essays in favor of the ratification of the U.S. Constitution. Attributed to Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison, the essays tackle an array of topics that are just as relevant today as they were more than 200 years ago, including human rights, republican governance, the proper scope and jurisdiction of a federal government, and much more.

Informations

• Publié par: The Floating Press
• Date de parution: 01 septembre 2011
• Nombre de lectures: 0
• EAN13: 9781775454991
• Langue: English

Extrait

THE FEDERALIST PAPERS
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ALEXANDER HAMILTON
JOHN JAY
JAMES MADISON
 
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The Federalist Papers First published in 1787 ISBN 978-1-77545-499-1 © 2011 The Floating Press and its licensors. All rights reserved. While every effort has been used to ensure the accuracy and reliability of the information contained in The Floating Press edition of this book, The Floating Press does not assume liability or responsibility for any errors or omissions in this book. The Floating Press does not accept responsibility for loss suffered as a result of reliance upon the accuracy or currency of information contained in this book. Do not use while operating a motor vehicle or heavy equipment. Many suitcases look alike. Visit www.thefloatingpress.com
Contents
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Federalist No. 1 Federalist No. 2 Federalist No. 3 Federalist No. 4 Federalist No. 5 Federalist No. 6 Federalist No. 7 Federalist No. 8 Federalist No. 9 Federalist No. 10 Federalist No. 11 Federalist No. 12 Federalist No. 13 Federalist No. 14 Federalist No. 15 Federalist No. 16 Federalist No. 17 Federalist No. 18 Federalist No. 19 Federalist No. 20 Federalist No. 21 Federalist No. 22 Federalist No. 23 Federalist No. 24 Federalist No. 25 Federalist No. 26 Federalist No. 27 Federalist No. 28 Federalist No. 29 Federalist No. 30 Federalist No. 31 Federalist No. 32 Federalist No. 33 Federalist No. 34 Federalist No. 35 Federalist No. 36 Federalist No. 37 Federalist No. 38 Federalist No. 39 Federalist No. 40 Federalist No. 41 Federalist No. 42 Federalist No. 43 Federalist No. 44 Federalist No. 45 Federalist No. 46 Federalist No. 47 Federalist No. 48 Federalist No. 49 Federalist No. 50 Federalist No. 51 Federalist No. 52 Federalist No. 53 Federalist No. 54 Federalist No. 55 Federalist No. 56 Federalist No. 57 Federalist No. 58 Federalist No. 59 Federalist No. 60 Federalist No. 61 Federalist No. 62 Federalist No. 63 Federalist No. 64 Federalist No. 65 Federalist No. 66 Federalist No. 67 Federalist No. 68 Federalist No. 69 Federalist No. 70 Federalist No. 71 Federalist No. 72 Federalist No. 73 Federalist No. 74 Federalist No. 75 Federalist No. 76 Federalist No. 77 Federalist No. 78 Federalist No. 79 Federalist No. 80 Federalist No. 81 Federalist No. 82 Federalist No. 83 Federalist No. 84 Federalist No. 85 Endnotes
Federalist No. 1
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General Introduction
For the Independent Journal. Saturday, October 27, 1787
HAMILTON
To the People of the State of New York:
AFTER an unequivocal experience of the inefficacy of the subsistingfederal government, you are called upon to deliberate on a newConstitution for the United States of America. The subject speaks itsown importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than theexistence of the UNION, the safety and welfare of the parts of which itis composed, the fate of an empire in many respects the most interestingin the world. It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have beenreserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example,to decide the important question, whether societies of men are reallycapable or not of establishing good government from reflection andchoice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for theirpolitical constitutions on accident and force. If there be any truthin the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety beregarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrongelection of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to beconsidered as the general misfortune of mankind.
This idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those ofpatriotism, to heighten the solicitude which all considerate and goodmen must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should bedirected by a judicious estimate of our true interests, unperplexed andunbiased by considerations not connected with the public good. But thisis a thing more ardently to be wished than seriously to be expected. Theplan offered to our deliberations affects too many particular interests,innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involve in itsdiscussion a variety of objects foreign to its merits, and of views,passions and prejudices little favorable to the discovery of truth.
Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new Constitutionwill have to encounter may readily be distinguished the obvious interestof a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes whichmay hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and consequence ofthe offices they hold under the State establishments; and the pervertedambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandizethemselves by the confusions of their country, or will flatterthemselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision ofthe empire into several partial confederacies than from its union underone government.
It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of thisnature. I am well aware that it would be disingenuous to resolveindiscriminately the opposition of any set of men (merely because theirsituations might subject them to suspicion) into interested or ambitiousviews. Candor will oblige us to admit that even such men may be actuatedby upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted that much of theopposition which has made its appearance, or may hereafter make itsappearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least, if notrespectable—the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceivedjealousies and fears. So numerous indeed and so powerful are the causeswhich serve to give a false bias to the judgment, that we, upon manyoccasions, see wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the rightside of questions of the first magnitude to society. This circumstance,if duly attended to, would furnish a lesson of moderation to thosewho are ever so much persuaded of their being in the right in anycontroversy. And a further reason for caution, in this respect, mightbe drawn from the reflection that we are not always sure that thosewho advocate the truth are influenced by purer principles than theirantagonists. Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition,and many other motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operateas well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of aquestion. Were there not even these inducements to moderation, nothingcould be more ill-judged than that intolerant spirit which has, at alltimes, characterized political parties. For in politics, as in religion,it is equally absurd to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword.Heresies in either can rarely be cured by persecution.
And yet, however just these sentiments will be allowed to be, we havealready sufficient indications that it will happen in this as in allformer cases of great national discussion. A torrent of angry andmalignant passions will be let loose. To judge from the conduct of theopposite parties, we shall be led to conclude that they will mutuallyhope to evince the justness of their opinions, and to increase thenumber of their converts by the loudness of their declamations and thebitterness of their invectives. An enlightened zeal for the energyand efficiency of government will be stigmatized as the offspring of atemper fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles of liberty.An over-scrupulous jealousy of danger to the rights of the people,which is more commonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will berepresented as mere pretense and artifice, the stale bait for popularityat the expense of the public good. It will be forgotten, on the onehand, that jealousy is the usual concomitant of love, and that the nobleenthusiasm of liberty is apt to be infected with a spirit of narrow andilliberal distrust. On the other hand, it will be equally forgotten thatthe vigor of government is essential to the security of liberty; that,in the contemplation of a sound and well-informed judgment, theirinterest can never be separated; and that a dangerous ambition moreoften lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of thepeople than under the forbidden appearance of zeal for the firmness andefficiency of government. History will teach us that the former has beenfound a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism thanthe latter, and that of those men who have overturned the libertiesof republics, the greatest number have begun their career by payingan obsequious court to the people; commencing demagogues, and endingtyrants.
In the course of the preceding observations, I have had an eye, myfellow-citizens, to putting you upon your guard against all attempts,from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a matter of theutmost moment to your welfare, by any impressions other than those whichmay result from the evidence of truth. You will, no doubt, at the sametime, have collected from the general scope of them, that theyproceed from a source not unfriendly to the new Constitution. Yes,my countrymen, I own to you that, after having given it an attentiveconsideration, I am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adopt it.I am convinced that this is the safest course for your liberty, yourdignity, and your happiness. I affect not reserves which I do not feel.I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation when I havedecided. I frankly acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freelylay before you the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousnessof good intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not, however, multiplyprofessions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository ofmy own breast. My arguments will be open to all, and may be judged of byall. They shall at least be offered in a spirit which will not disgracethe cause of truth.
I propose, in a series of papers, to discuss the following interestingparticulars:
THE UTILITY OF THE UNION TO YOUR POLITICAL PROSPERITY THE INSUFFICIENCYOF THE PRESENT CONFEDERATION TO PRESERVE THAT UNION THE NECESSITY OFA GOVERNMENT AT LEAST EQUALLY ENERGETIC WITH T