In the Name of the People

Lyal White, Juan Carlos Pinzón, Greg Mills, Ray Hartley, Christopher Clapham, Nic Cheeseman, Tendai Biti

Description

Shaken by the Russian invasion of Ukraine and staggering after the COVID-19 pandemic, the global political order is entering a new era of volatile uncertainty that may roll back the gains of the last century.

Open democracies, where opponents respect one another even as they contest for power, are under threat from the rising tide of populism. In this stark new world, political opponents are enemies to be destroyed by fake news, and independent institutions are being used as tools to perpetuate power.

In societies as diverse as Argentina, the Philippines, Tanzania and Hungary, populists have taken power, promising to restore accountability to the people. But, once in office, they have sought to hollow out democracy and to demonise the opposition as they hold onto power and oversee the economic decline of their countries.

In the Name of the People examines populism from its Latin American roots to liberation movements in Africa and the rise of a new European nationalism. At its most virulent, populism has destroyed democracies from the inside out, causing social instability, economic catastrophe and, in some cases, authoritarian repression. In other cases, such as in South Africa, populism is a rising threat as strong constitutional guarantees of democratic accountability come under fire.

The authors analyse 13 countries across the globe to understand how populism is evolving into a threat to free and open societies, addressing questions such as: Where is populism taking us? Is there hope of a return to rational policy-making? Is the world doomed to descend into ever-greater conflict?

Sujets

• Political Ideologies
• Comparative Politics
• Political Science
• Justice First
• General officer
• Ideology
• Political party
• Activism
• General
• Primero Justicia

Informations

• Publié par: Pan Macmillan South Africa
• Date de parution: 03 octobre 2022
• Nombre de lectures: 0
• EAN13: 9781770108189
• Langue: English

Extrait

First published in 2022 by Picador Africa an imprint of Pan Macmillan South Africa Private Bag X19, Northlands Johannesburg 2116
www.panmacmillan.co.za
isbn 978 1 77010 817 2 e-I isbn 978 1 77010 818 9
Text © 2022 Tendai Biti, Nic Cheeseman, Christopher Clapham, Ray Hartley, Greg Mills, Juan Carlos Pinzón, Lyal White Forewords © 2022 Lech Wałęsa, Leopoldo López
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of the publisher. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.
Editing by Sally Hines Proofreading by Russell Martin Design and layout by Triple M Design Cover design by mr design

Contents
Foreword by Lech Wałęsa
Foreword by Leopoldo López
Abbreviations
Introduction
Part One : Old-Style Populists
Chapter One : Peronism, Argentina’s Populist Capsule
Greg Mills and Lyal White
Chapter Two : Marcos and the Shoe Lady in the Philippines
Greg Mills and Lyal White
Chapter Three : Africa’s Military Populists
Christopher Clapham
Chapter Four : Chile, Allende and the Populist Tradition
Greg Mills and Lyal White
Part Two : Liberation-Movement Populism
Chapter Five : Zimbabwe: Democracy with Brutal Characteristics
Tendai Biti
Chapter Six : Tanzania, Zambia and Uganda: When the Clean-Up Gets Dirty
Ray Hartley
Chapter Seven : South Africa: Populism of a Special Type
Ray Hartley
Part Three : New-Order Populists
Chapter Eight : Venezuela: How to Destroy a Country
Greg Mills and Lyal White
Chapter Nine : El Salvador: Social Implosion,Elite Introversion and Populism
Greg Mills
Chapter Ten : Brazil’s Populist Pendulum
Greg Mills and Lyal White
Chapter Eleven : Colombia: Caught in the Clutches of Populism
Juan Carlos Pinzón
Chapter Twelve : Hungary: Populism with Ancient Characteristics
Ray Hartley
Chapter Thirteen : Populism across Borders: How Foreign Leaders Encourage Populists
Nic Cheeseman
Conclusion
Acknowledgements
About the Authors


Foreword
Lech Wałęsa
This book tells the fascinating story of how populism, once the preserve of dysfunctional Latin American countries, has developed into a global political phenomenon.
The reasons for the rise of populism are complex and sometimes baffling. But what is certain is that the ‘old school’ populism of the last century has been replaced by a new and far more sophisticated version, which relies on social media to drive home divisive messages and depends on the lack of debate on policy matters to govern through shallow, self-serving agendas.
Political leaders who attempt to take a long-term view by arguing that sacrifices must be made today to make tomorrow’s world better for everyone are being shunted aside by populists, who take a short-term view. They drive up spending, leaving future generations in debt. They polarise society, leaving future generations to deal with social instability. They mock rational policy decisions, making fewer of those who support them willing to enter politics.
The sum total of this is a world where elites are hollowing out democracy and turning it into a device to perpetuate their rule. Worse than that, many use the veil of democracy to conceal their greedy drive for enrichment.
This is possible because they do away with independent institutions that are meant to be keeping rulers in check by preventing abuses of power.
Populism starts out with great intentions: it seeks to right the wrongs of social inequality and injustice. But it always ends badly, with democracy suffering and the people worse off than before.
The reality is that there are no shortcuts to social progress. Hard decisions and sacrifices have to be made to build strong economic and political foundations that ensure that the people, and not rapacious elites, remain in control of their societies.
The good news is that this cycle can be broken. People are not fools, and they are starting to see through populist promises. To make a decisive change, however, requires strong political leaders who are willing to stand against the populist tide and steer debate back to making rational, effective policy that serves the people.
Such leaders are in short supply. When they emerge, they deserve the support and encouragement of all who value inclusive, people-centred democracy. It is our duty to seek out, guide and develop a new generation of leadership that values accountability, transparency and open societies.
During the dark days of the Soviet empire – days that Vladimir Putin seems determined to relive – it seemed to many that nothing could be done to turn the tide against an elite that was accountable only to the party. Totalitarian societies, such as those that were imposed on Eastern Europe, provide a frightening vision of where populism ends up when it goes unchecked. Present-day Russia, although a shadow of the former Soviet Union, remains just such an authoritarian regime, which appears to be led by a mutation of Homo Sovieticus .
In Poland, we did not despair and throw up our hands. We organised the workers in the dockyards into a powerful social force that was able to stand up to and, ultimately, remove the totalitarian regime of Wojciech Jaruzelski and replace it with a new, open and accountable government that was democratically elected.
We succeeded because we persevered, even under severe repression. We knew what the people wanted: a society in which they, and not an imposed elite, governed in the interests of all.
It is just such a society that the people of Ukraine were building when the Russian invasion occurred. But the people of Ukraine have tasted democracy and freedom, and they are willing to lay their lives on the line to defend it.
It was an extremely proud moment for me when I was sworn in as the first president of a democratic Poland in 1990.
Unfortunately, in Poland – and elsewhere in Eastern Europe – we underestimated democracy and too quickly took it for granted. We have allowed populist demagogues to attain power. We must now ensure that they do not succeed in hollowing out our democracy.
Democracy is made out of three important components. The first 30% is legal: laws, regulations and constitutions. The second 30% is assessing whether people are taking advantage of this and are organised in political parties and are engaged. And the third 30% is the size of the bank account. And if democracy is criticised, then we have to decide which of these elements is not really operating well. Is it the laws and regulations, or are people not really getting involved in political activity and elections? Or maybe they are just too poor to get involved.
Poland has shaken off the totalitarianism of the Soviet Union, and now it must confront the dangers of populism to ensure that that struggle was not in vain.
Again, there is no shortcut to democracy. Countries that have a strong constitutional order, along with strong institutions (courts of law and parliaments), are resistant to the temptation of radical ideologies and populism and show better economic progress and development than authoritarian states, where cliques amass power at the expense of the people.


Foreword
Leopoldo López
The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 shook the world out of its post-Cold War complacency. There have, of course, been many wars fought since the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989, but the intensity of the conflict and the ground traversed – the same as that which changed hands between the Nazis and the Soviet Union in the Second World War – have raised alarm.
The once-distant prospect of a ‘Third World War’ has become real as Russia and NATO come into increasingly closer military proximity. The possibility of a nuclear strike, until now discounted as highly unlikely, has veered back onto centre stage.
You might wonder what this has to do with populism. The answer is that Russian aggression has its roots in the erosion of democracy from within by populists who have since become autocrats. In the post-Soviet era, Russia adopted a democratic system of government, with Boris Yeltsin becoming the first directly elected president in Russian history in 1991.
But this democratic spring was short-lived. The establishment of credible checks and balances to bolster democracy was not successful, and the judiciary, police and security machinery of the state remained centrally controlled arms of the executive.
In addition, a privatisation campaign led to a small number of oligarchs becoming extremely wealthy and influential, allowing them to operate above the law and to accumulate vast wealth as ordinary citizens suffered.
In 2000, Vladimir Putin, Yeltsin’s chosen successor, won the presidential election and began implementing increasingly authoritarian policies that limited media freedom and led to the constant harassment, and even imprisonment, of opposition leaders.
While an extreme example, Russia’s adoption of democracy and its hollowing-out followed the classic populist playbook. The development of an ideology based on the return to Soviet-era boundaries, great-power glory and a strong Russian nationalism provided further signs of a populist agenda.
The lesson from this is that unless democracy is deeply embedded with an independent judiciary, regular free and fair elections, and political openness, bad actors will seize the state and turn it into a weapon to accumulate power and wealth.
It is tempting to look to the developing world where t