Sophisms of the Protectionists
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202 pages
English

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Description

The economic debate over free trade versus protectionism is as relevant today as it was in the mid-nineteenth century, when the scathing takedown Sophisms of the Protectionists was first published. French economist Frederic Bastiat meticulously dismantles the arguments in favor of protectionism and unleashes a rousing battle cry in favor of unfettered trade.

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Publié par
Date de parution 01 juillet 2014
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9781776583256
Langue English

Informations légales : prix de location à la page 0,0134€. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

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SOPHISMS OF THE PROTECTIONISTS
* * *
FREDERIC BASTIAT
Translated by
HORACE WHITE
 
*
Sophisms of the Protectionists From an 1870 edition Epub ISBN 978-1-77658-325-6 Also available: PDF ISBN 978-1-77658-326-3 © 2013 The Floating Press and its licensors. All rights reserved. While every effort has been used to ensure the accuracy and reliability of the information contained in The Floating Press edition of this book, The Floating Press does not assume liability or responsibility for any errors or omissions in this book. The Floating Press does not accept responsibility for loss suffered as a result of reliance upon the accuracy or currency of information contained in this book. Do not use while operating a motor vehicle or heavy equipment. Many suitcases look alike. Visit www.thefloatingpress.com
Contents
*
Preface Preface to First Edition PART I - SOPHISMS OF PROTECTION First Series - Introduction I - Abundance—Scarcity II - Obstacle—Cause III - Effort—Result IV - Equalizing of the Facilities of Production V - Our Productions Are Overloaded with Taxes VI - Balance of Trade VII - Petition from the Manufacturers of Candles, Wax-Lights, Lamps,Chandeliers, Reflectors, Snuffers, Extinguishers; and from the Producersof Tallow, Oil, Resin, Alcohol, and Generally of Every Thing Used forLights VIII - Discriminating Duties IX - Wonderful Discovery! X - Reciprocity XI - Absolute Prices XII - Does Protection Raise the Rate of Wages? XIII - Theory—Practice XIV - Conflicting Principles XV - Reciprocity Again XVI - Obstructed Rivers Pleading for the Prohibitionists XVII - A Negative Railroad XVIII - "There Are No Absolute Principles" XIX - National Independence XX - Human Labor—National Labor XXI - Raw Material XXII - Metaphors Conclusion PART II - SOPHISMS OF PROTECTION I - Natural History of Spoliation II - Two Systems of Morals III - The Two Hatchets IV - Inferior Council of Labor V - Dearness—Cheapness VI - To Artisans and Laborers VII - A Chinese Story VIII - Post Hoc, Ergo Propter Hoc IX - Robbery by Bounties X - The Tax Collector XI - Utopian Ideas XII - Salt, Postage, and Customs XIII - The Three Aldermen XIV - Something Else XV - The Little Arsenal of the Free Trader XVI - The Right and the Left Hand XVII - Supremacy by Labor PART III - SPOLIATION AND LAW PART IV - CAPITAL AND INTEREST Endnotes
Preface
*
A previous edition of this work has been published under the title of"Essays on Political Economy, by the late M. Frederic Bastiat." When itbecame necessary to issue a second edition, the Free-Trade Leagueoffered to buy the stereotype plates and the copyright, with a view tothe publication of the book on a large scale and at a very low price.The primary object of the League is to educate public opinion; toconvince the people of the United States of the folly and wrongfulnessof the Protective system. The methods adopted by the League for thepurpose have been the holding of public meetings and the publication ofbooks, pamphlets, and tracts, some of which are for sale at the cost ofpublication, and others given away gratuitously.
In publishing this book the League feels that it is offering the mosteffective and most popular work on political economy that has as yetbeen written. M. Bastiat not only enlivens a dull subject with his wit,but also reduces the propositions of the Protectionists to absurdities.
Free-Traders can do no better service in the cause of truth, justice,and humanity, than by circulating this little book among their friends.It is offered you at what it costs to print it. Will not everyFree-Trader put a copy of the book into the hands of his Protectionistfriends?
It would not be proper to close this short preface without an expressionon the part of the League of its obligation to the able translator ofthe work from the French, Mr. Horace White, of Chicago.
OFFICE OF THE AMERICAN FREE-TRADE LEAGUE, 9 Nassau Street, New-York, June, 1870.
Preface to First Edition
*
This compilation, from the works of the late M. Bastiat, is given to thepublic in the belief that the time has now come when the people,relieved from the absorbing anxieties of the war, and the subsequentstrife on reconstruction, are prepared to give a more earnest andthoughtful attention to economical questions than was possible duringthe previous ten years. That we have retrograded in economical scienceduring this period, while making great strides in moral and politicaladvancement by the abolition of slavery and the enfranchisement of thefreedmen, seems to me incontestable. Professor Perry has described veryconcisely the steps taken by the manufacturers in 1861, after theSouthern members had left their seats in Congress, to reverse the policyof the government in reference to foreign trade. [1] He has noticed buthas not laid so much stress as he might on the fact that while therewas no considerable public opinion to favor them, there was none at allto oppose them. Not only was the attention of the people diverted fromthe tariff by the dangers then impending, but the Republican party,which then came into power, had, in its National Convention, offered abribe to the State of Pennsylvania for its vote in the Presidentialelection, which bribe was set forth in the following words:
" Resolved , That while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the industrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence."— Chicago Convention Platform , 1860.
It is true that this resolution did not commit anybody to the doctrinethat the industrial interests of the whole country are promoted by taxeslevied upon imported property, however "adjusted," but it wasunderstood, by the Pennsylvanians at least, to be a promise that if theRepublican party were successful in the coming election, the doctrine ofprotection, which had been overthrown in 1846, and had been in anextremely languishing state ever since, should be put upon its legsagain. I am far from asserting that this overture was needed to securethe vote of Pennsylvania for Mr. Lincoln in 1860, or that that Statewas governed by less worthy motives in her political action than otherStates. I only remark that her delegates in the convention thought sucha resolution would be extremely useful, and such was the anxiety tosecure her vote in the election that a much stronger resolution mighthave been conceded if it had been required. I affirm, however, thatthere was no agitation on the tariff question in any other quarter. NewEngland had united in passing the tariff of 1857, which lowered theduties imposed by the act of 1846 about fifty per cent., i.e., one-halfof the previously existing scale. The Western States had not petitionedCongress or the convention to disturb the tariff; nor had New York doneso, although Mr. Greeley, then as now, was invoking, more or lessfrequently, the shade of Henry Clay to help re-establish what is deftlystyled the "American System."
The protective policy was restored, after its fifteen years' sleep,under the auspices of Mr. Morrill, a Representative (now a Senator) fromVermont. Latterly I have noticed in the speeches and votes of thisgentleman (who is, I think, one of the most conscientious, as he is oneof the most amiable, men in public life), a reluctance to follow totheir logical conclusion the principles embodied in the "Morrill tariff"of 1861. His remarks upon the copper bill, during the recent session ofCongress, indicate that, in his opinion, those branches of Americanindustry which are engaged in producing articles sent abroad in exchangefor the products of foreign nations, are entitled to some consideration.This is an important admission, but not so important as another, whichhe made in his speech on the national finances, January 24, 1867, inwhich, referring to the bank note circulation existing in the year 1860,he said: " And that was a year of as large production and as muchgeneral prosperity as any, perhaps, in our history ." [2] If the yearimmediately preceding the enactment of the Morrill tariff was a year ofas large production and as much general prosperity as any in ourhistory, of what use has the Morrill tariff been? We have seen that itwas not demanded by any public agitation. We now see that it has been ofno public utility.
In combating, by arguments and illustrations adapted to thecomprehension of the mass of mankind, the errors and sophisms with whichprotectionists deceive themselves and others, M. Bastiat is the mostlucid and pointed of all writers on economical science with whose worksI have any acquaintance. It is not necessary to accord to him a placeamong the architects of the science of political economy, although someof his admirers rank him among the highest. [3] It is enough to counthim among the greatest of its expounders and demonstrators. His death,which occurred at Pisa, Italy, on the 24th December, 1850, at the age of49, was a serious loss to France and to the world. His works, though forthe most part fragmentary, and given to the public from time to timethrough the columns of the Journal des Economistes , the Journal desDebats , and the Libre Echange , remain a monument of a noble intellectguided by a noble soul. They have been collected and published(including the Harmonies Economiques , which the author left inmanuscript) by Guillaumin & Co., the proprietors of the Journal desEconomistes , in two editions of six volumes each, 8vo. and 12mo. Whenwe reflect that these six volumes were produced between April, 1844, andDecember, 1850, by a young man of feeble constitution, who commencedlife as a clerk in a mercantile establishment, and who

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