Developmentalism, Dependency, and the State
198 pages
English

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198 pages
English
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Why does Namibia's economy look the way it does today? Was the reliance on raw materials for exports and on the service sector for employment an inevitability? And for what reasons has the manufacturing sector - the vehicle for economic development for many now-high income countries throughout the 19th and 20th centuries - seen its growth held back? With these questions in mind, this book offers an extensive analysis of industrial development and economic change in Namibia since 1900, exploring their causes, trajectory, vicissitudes, context, and politics. Its focus is particularly on the motivations behind the economic decisions of the state, arguing that power relations - both internationally and domestically - have held firm a status quo that has resisted efforts towards profound economic change. This work is the first in-depth economic study covering both the colonial and independence eras of Namibia's history and provides the first history of the country's manufacturing sector.

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Publié par
Date de parution 17 août 2020
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9783906927220
Langue English
Poids de l'ouvrage 5 Mo

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Extrait

Developmentalism, Dependency, and the State
Christopherhope
Developmentalism, Dependency, and the State Industrial Development and Economic Change in Namibia since 1900
Basler Afrika Bibliographien 2020
©2020 The author ©2020 Basler Afrika Bibliographien
Basler Afrika Bibliographien Namibia Resource Centre & Southern Africa Library Klosterberg 23 PO Box 4001 Basel Switzerland www.baslerafrika.ch
All rights reserved.
Cover design: James Pryor
ISBN 978-3-906927-21-3
Contents
1 Introduction Industrial development as the driver of economic development The importance of industrial policy The study of the political economy of industrial policy and development The ‘renaissance’ of research into African economic history Studying Namibian economics, politics, and history Methodology Chapter outline
2 Economic and industrial development in Namibia, 1900 to 1945: the estab-lishment of a settler colony The Namibian economy in the ⁞nal years of German rule, 1900 to 1915
Agricultural and economic development under South African rule, 1915 to 1945 Industrial development Constraints on economic diversi⁞cation and industrial development
3 Industrial development from 1946 to 1989: boom, stagnation, and the near total absence of industrial policy Political change and rapid economic growth in the post-World War II era The boom years of industrial development, 1946 to 1963 War, political uncertainty, and economic crises: the ⁞nal years of colonial rule, 1964 to 1989 The sluggish growth of manufacturing over the ⁞nal years of colonialism Constraints and drivers of industrial development
 1  2  4  7 10 11 16 19
21 21 26 35 44
53 53 56
66 68 78
4 Economic change in independent Namibia: dashed hopes 91 SWAPO’s Namibia: free markets, foreign investment, and limited government  intervention 92 ‘Neoliberal’ industrial policy in the 1990s and 2000s: ine⁝ective and misguided 94 The 2010s: the emergence of active industrial policy? 103
Bibliography
Conclusion
5
Maps
6
 184
 163
 162
 158
 143
 160
Namibia
List of Abbreviations
List of Figures and Tables
Index
 112  117
 151
Economic progress since independence: steady but unspectacular The disappointing record of industrial development, 1990 to 2018
The political economy of industrial policy and economic change in Namibia 127 The functioning of SWAPO’s political system 128 The interests and views of Namibia’s economic elites 134 The role of South Africa 138 The international political economy of industrial policy and development in
This book is dedicated to my mother,
to the memory of my father,
and to the memory of Giulio Regeni.
Acknowledgements
This work is a revised version of my doctoral research, undertaken at the University of Cam-bridge, UK, under the supervision of Dr. Ha-Joon Chang. My immense thanks to Ha-Joon, an excellent and considerate mentor, and to the University, which was a thoroughly engaging place in which to study. The Centre of Development Studies in which I was based was a place of friendly faces and bright ideas. Thanks to the sta⁝ of the Centre, especially Doreen Woolfrey. Amongst my fellow students, my gratitude particularly goes to Shachi Amdekar, Lorena Gazzotti, Amir Lebdioui, Paola Velasco, Noura Wahby, Mihiri Warnasuriya, and Kiryl Zach. A word for Giulio Regeni, my friend and fellow student, who was abducted, tortured, and killed whilst conducting ⁞eld research in Egypt. Giulio directly contributed to this re-search, pointing me in the direction of several works that proved integral to my argument. Also in Cambridge, I’d like to thank Mahvish Ahmad, Justin Kemp, Alicia Krozer, Marcela Morales, Nina Rismal, Bob Rowthorn, and the institutions and sta⁝ of Darwin College, Mar-shall Library, and the African Studies Library. Returning to Namibia, where I lived from the ages of four to ten, to conduct research at various points from 2015 to 2017, was a great experience. I am extremely grateful to the Institute for Public Policy Research Namibia for hosting me. Thanks to Martha Nangola, Salmi Shigwedha and, in particular, to Graham Hopwood and Max Weylandt. Thanks also to Klaus Schade of the Economic Association of Namibia, Titus Kamatuka at the Namibia Statistics Agency, and Irene Izaacs and Werner Hillebrecht at the National Archives of Na-mibia. Thanks, too, to all those who agreed to be interviewed as part of my study, and to those who provided me with welcoming places to stay and personal support: Kauna Ndilula and her family; Nicky Marais,Martin Harris and Helen Harris; Vera and Mike Leech; and Zula and Anvar Muhamedrahimov. Elsewhere in the world, I am grateful to the sta⁝ of theBasler Afrika Bibliographien in Basel and the British Library in London for their help during my time researching in their institutions. Thank you very much to Andrea, Klaus, and Luisa Braig for hosting me in Britz-ingen, Germany, whilst I conducted my research in Basel. Thanks to Graham Hopwood,Amir Lebdioui, Bernie Moore, and Kiryl Zach for reading parts of my research and o⁝ering constructive feedback. Thanks to Antonia Perelló, who read all of it. Thanks too, to Antonia, for so much more than that. My gratitude also goes to my dear friend James Pryor, who designed the maps in this research and o⁝ered advice on its overall layout. I’m very appreciative of the considered comments and guidance that I
viii
received from my doctorate examiners, Dr. Shailaja Fennell of the University of Cambridge and Dr. Eka Ikpe of King’s College London. I was very fortunate to have been chosen as the Cambridge Political Economy Society Trust’s Scholar for 2014, thereby securing funding for the research. Additional funding for ⁞eld research was received by the Department of Politics and International Studies in Cambridge and by the Smuts Memorial Fund. Thanks to all these bodies for their ⁞nancial support. The ⁞nal word is for my family. Thanks to my mum, Susan Hope, who has been loving and caring throughout my life and particularly during the writing of this work. My dad, Andrew Hope, died four years before I started my doctorate, but was always in my thoughts as I conducted this research. This work is dedicated to his memory, to my mother, and to the memory of Giulio Regeni.
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