Migrant Integration in a Changing Europe
136 pages
English

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136 pages
English

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Description

In this rich study, Roxana Barbulescu examines the transformation of state-led immigrant integration in two relatively new immigration countries in Western Europe: Italy and Spain. The book is comparative in approach and seeks to explain states' immigrant integration strategies across national, regional, and city-level decision and policy making. Barbulescu argues that states pursue no one-size-fits-all strategy for the integration of migrants, but rather simultaneously pursue multiple strategies that vary greatly for different groups. Two main integration strategies stand out. The first one targets non-European citizens and is assimilationist in character and based on interventionist principles according to which the government actively pursues the inclusion of migrants. The second strategy targets EU citizens and is a laissez-faire scenario where foreigners enjoy rights and live their entire lives in the host country without the state or the local authorities seeking their integration.

The empirical material in the book, dating from 1985 to 2015, includes systematic analyses of immigration laws, integration policies and guidelines, historical documents, original interviews with policy makers, and statistical analysis based on data from the European Labor Force Survey. While the book draws on evidence from Italy and Spain in an effort to bring these case studies to the core of fundamental debates on immigration and citizenship studies, its broader aim is to contribute to a better understanding of state interventionism in immigrant integration in contemporary Europe. The book will be a useful text for students and scholars of global immigration, integration, citizenship, European integration, and European society and culture.


In recent years, many prominent figures have spoken publicly about immigrants’ “duty to integrate”. Tony Blair of the UK Labour Party delivered a speech in 2006 where he urged immigrants to assume ‘their duties’ and called for shared common British values. The French Minister for EU Affairs and the Canadian Minister of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism each reminded immigrants that rights come with duties to the host society. Pope Benedict too preached migrants that they have duties in the country in which they settle and that they should respect the laws and the national identity of their new society. Yet while the consensus that migrants bear no rights alone but that they come with duties to integrate was growing stronger, ideals of what integration were also transformed. Multiculturalism, however fragmented or poorly implemented it was in practice, was unequivocally deserted by the same political leaders who spoke of the duty to integrate. This abandonment signals a departure from a post-war consensus for liberalism.of building in protections to support and safeguard cultural differences, promote respect for the other and instill tolerance in the aftermath of the Holocaust. The project of European integration sought to bring together different cultures from across the continent is in itself a multicultural project. It is for these reasons that desertion from such principles, is a step backward for Europeanisation as well as for what is expected of migrants. For Angela Merkel, the model of people from other different culture living happily side by side did not work, and declared its death: this form of multiculturalism has ‘failed, utterly failed’ The Guardian printed the news as ‘German multiculturalism has failed’, distancing itself from advancing a similar faith for multiculturalism in Britain. One year later, at the Security Summit, David Cameron did precisely that: he revoked multiculturalism as we knew it and announced the world the birth of muscular liberalism – in effect a new compromise exchanging liberty for security which targeted the Muslim community. Messages from political and religious leaders respond and are indeed reinforced by public concerns about the integration of migrants. Overwhelming shares of the population think that migrants do not integrate, 41 percent in Spain and 52 percent in Italy respectively (Marshall Transatlantic Trends, 2015). The numbers-too high by any standard are to be interpreted with caution. We know little about what ‘integration’ might mean for such a large number of people. It might mean that people might have different definitions and preferences for what integration of migrants is. Equally, it might mean that the people define integration in the same way but that for some those characteristics are insufficient while for others they are sufficient. In a similar fashion, it is unclear whom they identify when they speak of the failing integration of migrants. The consistent overestimation of immigrants in society is a well studied phenomenon (for a review see Herda 2010) with wide implications. People can mistake a third generation citizen and mistake her for a migrant or vice-versa, they can not see a migrant who walks by. Deconstructing and problematizing this statistic however does not alleviate the power of such high numbers that can be read as harbingers of demoliting future tensions between migrants and natives.

In this study, I have turned the tables around from the immigrants to the state and have examined its role, capacities and commitments to immigrant integration. The state is the political representative of the host society and an agent of integration with disproportionately more institutional and financial resources than individual immigrants. Furthermore, the state is the agent of integration that has one unique ability which is key to achieving integration and which no other agent involved in this process shares, either the immigrants themselves or the host society: only the state authorities can grant rights and citizenship. Immigrants can achieve full social membership in their local communities but without also achieving the full rights of other citizens.

While this line of research highlights the role states carry in integration, it misses both the fact that state interventionism is not constant but varies significantly over time, groups, levels of decision making. This work distinguishes between states’ discretion to 1) to grant or withheld rights to certain noncitizens 2) to actively intervene in integration and introduce policies and public funds with this aim or, on the contrary, to take a laissez-faire approach. Historically, some of the migrants have simply remained at the margins of the state’s intervention in immigrant integration. European citizens, for instance, are rarely regarded as ‘migrants’ and included in integration strategies. Why do states act inconsistently when it comes to immigrant integration and intervene in different ways for different categories of migrants is a puzzle on which, hitherto, the literature has remained silent and which this book has aimed to solve.en migrants and natives.

(excerpted from conclusion)


Introduction

1. Immigrant Integration and the State

2. Migration in Italy and Spain and Integration Outcomes

3. Varieties of denizenship or on the importance of (not) being an EU citizen

4. To integrate or not to integrate: when and for whom do states pursue integration?

Conclusion

Annex

Sujets

Informations

Publié par
Date de parution 28 février 2019
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9780268104405
Langue English

Informations légales : prix de location à la page 0,2750€. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

Extrait

MIGRANT INTEGRATION IN A CHANGING EUROPE
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MIGRANT INTEGRATION IN A CHANGING EUROPE
——————————————————
Immigrants, European Citizens, and Co-ethnics in Italy and Spain
ROXANA BARBULESCU
University of Notre Dame Press
Notre Dame, Indiana
University of Notre Dame Press
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556
undpress.nd.edu
Copyright © 2019 by University of Notre Dame
All Rights Reserved
Published in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Barbulescu, Roxana, 1983- author.
Title: Migrant integration in a changing Europe : immigrants, European citizens, and co-ethnics in Italy and Spain / Roxana Barbulescu.
Description: Notre Dame, Indiana : University of Notre Dame Press, [2018] | Series: Kellogg Institute series on democracy and development | Significantly revised version of author’s thesis (doctoral)—European University Institute, 2013, titled The politics of immigrant integration in post-enlargement Europe migrants: co-ethnics and European citizens in Italy and Spain. | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Identifiers: LCCN 2018052457 (print) | LCCN 2018057577 (ebook) | ISBN 9780268104399 (pdf) | ISBN 9780268104405 (epub) | ISBN 9780268104375 (hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 0268104379 (hardback : alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Europe—Emigration and immigration—Government policy. | Italy—Emigration and immigration—Case studies. | Spain—Emigration and immigration—Case studies | Immigrants—Cultural assimilation—Europe—Case studies | Social integration—Europe—Case studies.
Classification: LCC JV7590 (ebook) | LCC JV7590.B374 2018 (print) | DDC 305.9/06912094—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018052457
∞ This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper)
This e-Book was converted from the original source file by a third-party vendor. Readers who notice any formatting, textual, or readability issues are encouraged to contact the publisher at ebooks@nd.edu
CONTENTS
List of Tables and Figures
Acknowledgments
Introduction
ONE Migrant Integration and the State
TWO Migration in Italy and Spain and Integration Outcomes
THREE Varieties of Denizenship: Rights Regimes and the Importance of (Not) Being an EU Citizen
FOUR Interventionist States and the Making of Integration Duties: When, How, and for Whom Do States Pursue Integration?
Conclusion. The Freedom to not Integrate: Multicultural Integration amidst Rising Neoassimilation
Appendix. Primary Sources
Notes
References
Index
TABLES AND FIGURES
TABLES
1.1. Shares of the four categories within the total foreign population of Italy and Spain, 2015
1.2. Foreign population in the top ten European countries and shares of EU and non-EU migrants, 2001, 2011
1.3. Total number of migrants in Italy and Spain and main countries of origin (in thousands), 2015
2.1. Evolution of foreign residents in Italy and Spain, 1970–2010
2.2. Rights of noncitizens in selected EU countries: MIPEX scores
2.3. Amnesties in Italy and Spain, 1982–2009
2.4. Immigrants groups by gender composition
2.5. Immigrant groups by age
2.6. Immigrants by years of residence in the country
2.7. Immigrants by level of education
2.8. Employment, unemployment, and inactivity among migrants
2.9a. Occupation among immigrants in the Italian labor market
2.9b. Occupation among immigrants in the Spanish labor market
2.10. Citizenship acquisition by category in Spain
3.1. Transitional restrictions for the 2004 and 2007 enlargements for EU-27
3.2. Annual quota for descendants of Spanish origin in Spain, 2000–2009
3.3. Annual quota for non-EU workers in Italy, 1998–2010
3.4. Annual quota for descendants of Spaniards in Spanish Autonomous Communities

3.5. Bilateral enfranchisement between the Kingdom of Spain and non-EU countries
3.6. Right to family reunification: Requirements for third country nationals and EU citizens
3.7. Criteria for citizenship acquisition and toleration of double citizenship in Italy and Spain
3.8. Acquisition of nationality by country of former nationality, Italy, 1997–2008
3.9. Acquisition of nationality by country of former nationality, Spain, 1997–2008
4.1. Cofunding of integration programs: European Integration Fund and Italy
4.2. Sanctions associated with failing integration requirements in selected EU countries, 1998–2012
4.3. How the Italian integration agreement works: Grounds for losing and gaining points
FIGURES
2.1. Migrants who integrate “well” and “very well,” 2011
C.1. Evolution of integration strategies by immigrant group
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book has been a long intellectual journey, and I feel privileged to have received support from many institutions and research centers as well as advice from wonderful scholars, friends, and family along the way.
I benefited enormously from the institutional support provided by the following: the European University Institute, where this journey started; the Scenari migratori e mutamento sociali research center at the University of Trento; the Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences (CEACS) at the Juan March Institute in Madrid; the Interdisciplinary Research Group on Immigration (GRITIM) at Pompeu Fabra University in Barcelona; the Sheffield Institute for International Development at the University of Sheffield; the College of Europe in Natolin, Warsaw; the ESRC Centre for Population Change at the University of Southampton; and the School of Sociology and Social Policy at the University of Leeds.
Deep gratitude goes to Rainer Bauböck and Adrian Favell for their inspiring mentorship, enthusiasm, and fairness. In addition to the five anonymous reviewers from the University of Notre Dame Press, I owe intellectual debts for erudite conversations and sharp suggestions to the following: Kitty Calavita, Andrew Geddes, Claire Kilpatrick, Anthony Messina, Ricard Zapata–Barrero, Joaquín Arango, Giuseppe Sciortino, Martina Cvajner, Tiziana Caponio, Maarten Vink, Yasemin Soysal, Dora Kostakopoulou, Dimitry Kochenov, Jean-Michel Lafleur, Terri Givens, Jaap Dronkers, Martin Kohli, Fabrizio Bernardi, Héctor Cebolla, Claudia Finotelli, and Amparo González Ferrer. To Jean Grugel, Tobias Schumacher, Paul Bridgen, and Traute Meyer, I say thanks for your support through many crucial transitions in this work. During fieldwork, Ruth Ferrero-Turrión in Madrid and Sergio Briguglio in Roma were essential guides in navigating the Kafkaesque Italian and Spanish bureaucracies. My editors at the University of Notre Dame Press—Eli Bortz, Stephen Little, and Matthew Dowd—have been immensely helpful with their sage advice, craftmanship, and patience in turning this manuscript into the book you are now holding. And artist Matias Mata, known as Sabotaje Al Montaje, was extraordinarily generous in lending his artwork for the cover of this book. Mural was painted in 2010 and stands to this day on the side of an apartment building in the working-class district of San Pablo on the outskirts of Sevilla in Spain. To eve

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