Short History of England
115 pages
English

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115 pages
English

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Description

England's rise to prominence on the world stage over the course of thousands of years is a tumultuous tale that includes equal parts triumph and tragedy. This volume grants readers a first-row seat as the drama unfolds, told with inimitable elegance, insight, and wit by world-renowned British thinker and writer G.K. Chesterton.

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Publié par
Date de parution 01 février 2011
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9781775451662
Langue English

Informations légales : prix de location à la page 0,0164€. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

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A SHORT HISTORY OF ENGLAND
* * *
G. K. CHESTERTON
 
*

A Short History of England First published in 1917 ISBN 978-1-775451-66-2 © 2011 The Floating Press
While every effort has been used to ensure the accuracy and reliability of the information contained in The Floating Press edition of this book, The Floating Press does not assume liability or responsibility for any errors or omissions in this book. The Floating Press does not accept responsibility for loss suffered as a result of reliance upon the accuracy or currency of information contained in this book. Do not use while operating a motor vehicle or heavy equipment. Many suitcases look alike.
Visit www.thefloatingpress.com
Contents
*
I - Introduction II - The Province of Britain III - The Age of Legends IV - The Defeat of the Barbarians V - St. Edward and the Norman Kings VI - The Age of the Crusades VII - The Problem of the Plantagenets VIII - The Meaning of Merry England IX - Nationality and the French Wars X - The War of the Usurpers XI - The Rebellion of the Rich XII - Spain and the Schism of Nations XIII - The Age of the Puritans XIV - The Triumph of the Whigs XV - The War with the Great Republics XVI - Aristocracy and the Discontents XVII - The Return of the Barbarian XVIII - Conclusion
I - Introduction
*
It will be very reasonably asked why I should consent, though upon asort of challenge, to write even a popular essay in English history, whomake no pretence to particular scholarship and am merely a member of thepublic. The answer is that I know just enough to know one thing: that ahistory from the standpoint of a member of the public has not beenwritten. What we call the popular histories should rather be called theanti-popular histories. They are all, nearly without exception, writtenagainst the people; and in them the populace is either ignored orelaborately proved to have been wrong. It is true that Green called hisbook "A Short History of the English People"; but he seems to havethought it too short for the people to be properly mentioned. Forinstance, he calls one very large part of his story "Puritan England."But England never was Puritan. It would have been almost as unfair tocall the rise of Henry of Navarre "Puritan France." And some of ourextreme Whig historians would have been pretty nearly capable of callingthe campaign of Wexford and Drogheda "Puritan Ireland."
But it is especially in the matter of the Middle Ages that the popularhistories trample upon the popular traditions. In this respect there isan almost comic contrast between the general information provided aboutEngland in the last two or three centuries, in which its presentindustrial system was being built up, and the general information givenabout the preceding centuries, which we call broadly mediæval. Of thesort of waxwork history which is thought sufficient for the side-show ofthe age of abbots and crusaders, a small instance will be sufficient. Apopular Encyclopædia appeared some years ago, professing among otherthings to teach English History to the masses; and in this I came upon aseries of pictures of the English kings. No one could expect them to beall authentic; but the interest attached to those that were necessarilyimaginary. There is much vivid material in contemporary literature forportraits of men like Henry II. or Edward I.; but this did not seem tohave been found, or even sought. And wandering to the image that stoodfor Stephen of Blois, my eye was staggered by a gentleman with one ofthose helmets with steel brims curved like a crescent, which went withthe age of ruffs and trunk-hose. I am tempted to suspect that the headwas that of a halberdier at some such scene as the execution of MaryQueen of Scots. But he had a helmet; and helmets were mediæval; and anyold helmet was good enough for Stephen.
Now suppose the readers of that work of reference had looked for theportrait of Charles I. and found the head of a policeman. Suppose it hadbeen taken, modern helmet and all, out of some snapshot in the DailySketch of the arrest of Mrs. Pankhurst. I think we may go so far as tosay that the readers would have refused to accept it as a lifelikeportrait of Charles I. They would have formed the opinion that theremust be some mistake. Yet the time that elapsed between Stephen and Marywas much longer than the time that has elapsed between Charles andourselves. The revolution in human society between the first of theCrusades and the last of the Tudors was immeasurably more colossal andcomplete than any change between Charles and ourselves. And, above all,that revolution should be the first thing and the final thing inanything calling itself a popular history. For it is the story of howour populace gained great things, but to-day has lost everything.
Now I will modestly maintain that I know more about English history thanthis; and that I have as much right to make a popular summary of it asthe gentleman who made the crusader and the halberdier change hats. Butthe curious and arresting thing about the neglect, one might say theomission, of mediæval civilization in such histories as this, lies inthe fact I have already noted. It is exactly the popular story that isleft out of the popular history. For instance, even a working man, acarpenter or cooper or bricklayer, has been taught about the GreatCharter, as something like the Great Auk, save that its almost monstroussolitude came from being before its time instead of after. He was nottaught that the whole stuff of the Middle Ages was stiff with theparchment of charters; that society was once a system of charters, andof a kind much more interesting to him. The carpenter heard of onecharter given to barons, and chiefly in the interest of barons; thecarpenter did not hear of any of the charters given to carpenters, tocoopers, to all the people like himself. Or, to take another instance,the boy and girl reading the stock simplified histories of the schoolspractically never heard of such a thing as a burgher, until he appearsin a shirt with a noose round his neck. They certainly do not imagineanything of what he meant in the Middle Ages. And Victorian shopkeepersdid not conceive themselves as taking part in any such romance as theadventure of Courtrai, where the mediæval shopkeepers more than wontheir spurs—for they won the spurs of their enemies.
I have a very simple motive and excuse for telling the little I know ofthis true tale. I have met in my wanderings a man brought up in thelower quarters of a great house, fed mainly on its leavings and burdenedmostly with its labours. I know that his complaints are stilled, andhis status justified, by a story that is told to him. It is about howhis grandfather was a chimpanzee and his father a wild man of the woods,caught by hunters and tamed into something like intelligence. In thelight of this, he may well be thankful for the almost human life that heenjoys; and may be content with the hope of leaving behind him a yetmore evolved animal. Strangely enough, the calling of this story by thesacred name of Progress ceased to satisfy me when I began to suspect(and to discover) that it is not true. I know by now enough at least ofhis origin to know that he was not evolved, but simply disinherited. Hisfamily tree is not a monkey tree, save in the sense that no monkey couldhave climbed it; rather it is like that tree torn up by the roots andnamed "Dedischado," on the shield of the unknown knight.
II - The Province of Britain
*
The land on which we live once had the highly poetic privilege of beingthe end of the world. Its extremity was ultima Thule , the other end ofnowhere. When these islands, lost in a night of northern seas, were litup at last by the long searchlights of Rome, it was felt that theremotest remnant of things had been touched; and more for pride thanpossession.
The sentiment was not unsuitable, even in geography. About these realmsupon the edge of everything there was really something that can only becalled edgy. Britain is not so much an island as an archipelago; it isat least a labyrinth of peninsulas. In few of the kindred countries canone so easily and so strangely find sea in the fields or fields in thesea. The great rivers seem not only to meet in the ocean, but barely tomiss each other in the hills: the whole land, though low as a whole,leans towards the west in shouldering mountains; and a prehistorictradition has taught it to look towards the sunset for islands yetdreamier than its own. The islanders are of a kind with their islands.Different as are the nations into which they are now divided, theScots, the English, the Irish, the Welsh of the western uplands, havesomething altogether different from the humdrum docility of the inlandGermans, or from the bon sens français which can be at will trenchantor trite. There is something common to all the Britons, which even Actsof Union have not torn asunder. The nearest name for it is insecurity,something fitting in men walking on cliffs and the verge of things.Adventure, a lonely taste in liberty, a humour without wit, perplextheir critics and perplex themselves. Their souls are fretted like theircoasts. They have an embarrassment, noted by all foreigners: it isexpressed, perhaps, in the Irish by a confusion of speech and in theEnglish by a confusion of thought. For the Irish bull is a license withthe symbol of language. But Bull's own bull, the English bull, is "adumb ox of thought"; a standing mystification in the mind. There issomething double in the thoughts as of the soul mirrored in many waters.Of all peoples they are least attached to the purely classical; theimperial plainness which the French do finely and the Germans coarsely,but the Britons hardly at all. They are constantly colonists andemigrants; they have the name of being at home in every country. Butthey are in exile in their own country. They are torn between love ofhome and love of something else; of which the sea may be t

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