Tory Insurgents
340 pages

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Building on the work of his 1989 book The Loyalist Perception and Other Essays, accomplished historian Robert M. Calhoon returns to the subject of internal strife in the American Revolution with Tory Insurgents. This volume collects revised, updated versions of eighteen groundbreaking articles, essays, and chapters published since 1965, and also features one essay original to this volume. In a model of scholarly collaboration, coauthors Calhoon, Timothy M. Barnes, and Robert Scott Davis are joined in select pieces by Donald C. Lord, Janice Potter, and Robert M. Weir.

Among the topics broached by this noted group of historians are the diverse political ideals represented in the Loyalist stance; the coherence of the Loyalist press; the loyalism of garrison towns, the Floridas, and the Western frontier; Carolina loyalism as viewed by Irish-born patriots Aedanus and Thomas Burke; and the postwar reintegration of Loyalists and the disaffected. Included as well is a chapter and epilogue from Calhoon's seminal—but long out-of-print—1973 study The Loyalists in Revolutionary America, 1760-1781. This updated collection will serve as an unrivaled point of entrance into Loyalist research for scholars and students of the American Revolution.



Publié par
Date de parution 24 août 2012
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9781611172287
Langue English

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© 1989, 2010 University of South Carolina The Loyalist Perception and Other Essayswas first published by the University of South Carolina Press in 1989, and then revised and expanded in 2010. Ebook edition published in Columbia, South Carolina, by the University of South Carolina Press, 2012 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 The Library of Congress has cataloged the print editions as follows: Calhoon, Robert M. (Robert McCluer)  Tory insurgents: the loyalist perception and other essays / Robert M. Calhoon, Timothy M. Barnes, and Robert S. Davis; in collaboration with Donald C. Lord, Janice Potter-MacKinnon, and Robert M. Weir. — Rev. and expanded ed.  p. cm.  Rev. ed. of: The loyalist perception and other essays. Columbia, S.C.: University of South Carolina Press, c1989.  Includes bibliographical references and index.  ISBN 978-1-57003-890-7 (cloth: alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-57003-920-1 (pbk: alk. paper)  1. American loyalists. 2. United States—Politics and government—1775–1783. I. Barnes, Timothy M. II. Davis, Robert Scott, 1954– III. Lord, Donald C. IV. Potter-MacKinnon, Janice, 1947– V. Weir, Robert M. VI. Calhoon, Robert M. (Robert McCluer) Loyalist perception and other essays. VII. Title.  E277.C23 2010 973.3—dc22  2010003403 ISBN 978-1-61117-228-7 (ebook)
for Jack P. Greene and in memory of Jack Barnes, Don Higginbotham, and Heard Robertson
1 The Loyalist Perception
2 “The Constitution Ought to Bend”: William Smith, Jr.’s, Alternative to the American Revolution
3 The Removal of the Massachusetts General Court from Boston, 1769–1772
4 “The Scandalous History of Sir Egerton Leigh”
5 “I Have Deduced Your Rights”: Joseph Galloway’s Concept of His Role, 1774–1775
6 “Unhinging Former Intimacies”: Robert Beverley’s Perception of the Pre-Revolutionary Controversy, 1761–1775
7 The Uses of Reason in Political Upheaval
8 The Character and Coherence of the Loyalist Press
9 Loyalist Discourse and the Moderation of the American Revolution
10 Civil, Revolutionary, or Partisan: The Loyalists and the Nature of the War for Independence
11 The Floridas, the Western Frontier, and Vermont: Thoughts on the Hinterland Loyalists
12 Loyalism and Patriotism at Askance: Community, Conspiracy, and Conflict on the Southern Frontier
13 The Man Who Would Have Been: John Dooly, Ambition, and Politics on the Southern Frontier
14 Moral Allegiance: John Witherspoon and Loyalist Recantation
15 Aedanus Burke and Thomas Burke: Revolutionary Conservatism in the Carolinas
16 The Reintegration of the Loyalists and the Disaffected
Conclusion: A Special Kind of Civil War
Bibliographical Essay
In 1989The Loyalist Perception and Other Essays reprinted eleven previously puPlished articles and essays. I had coauthored four of its chapters, one each with Timothy M. Barnes, Donald C. Lord, Janice otter (now otter-MacKinnon), and RoPert M. Weir. These collaPorative chapters reappear in this expanded volume, which has Pecome still more collaPorative. Barnes and I here collaPorate on another chapter, one of the longest in the Pook and puPlished here for the first time. Over the past quarter century, RoPert S. Davis has emerged as the preeminent historian of loyalism in frontier Georgia and South Carolina, and he contriPutes two chapters extensively revised especially for this volume. With the assistance of Barnes and Davis, my 1991 essay on Carolina loyalism as viewed Py the Irish-Porn patriots Aedanus and Thomas Burke is reprinted here with a new concluding section, as is a chapter and the epilogue from my long out-of-printThe Loyalists in ReVolutioNary America, 1760–1781(1973). The new material and new authorship of this edition strengthens our conviction that ideastoward leading actioNand finally maturing into settled patterns ofpracticeremain the configuration of loyalist scholarship. Thus part 1, “Ideas,” introduces an array of pre-Revolutionary loyalists and one loyalist-leaning neutralist. Chapters 2 through 6 portray William Smith, the visionary yet closeted theorist of a different kind of empire than the one he sensed was threatened with revolutionary disruption in 1776; Thomas Hutchinson, who waged a tenacious and intelligent struggle to exile the Massachusetts AssemPly and Council from Boston until legislative leaders and the British government could appreciate the value of disciplined colonies governed Py disciplined imperial institutions; Egerton Leigh, the sexual adventurer and vice admiralty judge in South Carolina who provoked his kinsman Henry Laurens to take the moral and ethical measure of imperial officialdom; Joseph Galloway, the architect of a reform empire superficially like William Smith’s Put rooted in quite different insecurities from those trouPling the New York councillor; and, finally, RoPert Beverley, the Virginia planter who styled himself in 1775 “as sorrowful spectator of these tumultuous times.” Here we add, as an appendix, the long letter containing that self-portrait. Introducing these Piographical chapters is the title essay of the original col -lection, “The Loyalist erception,” positing patterns ofpriNciple, accommodatioN, anddoctriNe as a framework of pre-Revolutionary loyalism. The opening chapter contains new material on the place of the loyalists in the political structure of the Mother Country. These new passages argue thatpriNcipled loyalismnourished Py association with the talented if myopic was upper levels of the British imperial Pureaucracy, thataccommodatiNg loyalism imPiPed the flexiPle and professed openness of the Rockingham Whigs, and thatdoctriNaire toryism was an extension of the staPility of Anglican parish life in England. art 1 now concludes with a chapter fromThe Loyalists iN ReVolutioNary America on moderate patriots, neutralists, and moderate loyalists in the years from 1774 and 1777, exploring the uses of reason in political upheaval—the Peginning, as readers will see in chapter 9, of growing moderation on Poth sides of the revolutionary divide. While part 1 emerged from the scholarship of the 1960s and early 1970s, part 2, “Action,” echoes the concern of historians from the mid- to late- 1970s and into the 1980s with human activity. Thus social historians of the Revolution considered the Revolution a learning process in which ideas came to permeate the Pehavior of groups of people within American society. The printers and writers of anonymous essays in the garrison town press discussed in chapters 8 and 9 were one such group. Another much larger group included thousands of loyalists in arms discussed in chapters 10, 11, 12, and 13. Three of the six chapters in part 2 are new to the collection. Timothy M. Barnes and I originally wrote “Loyalist Discourse and the Moderation of the American Revolution” for the first, and as yet unpuPlished, volume in a new history of discourse in America. Davis’s
chapter on Kettle Creek, “Loyalism and atriotism at Askance,” and his Piographical study of the patriot John Dooly are in fact companion pieces in which, as rofessor Davis demonstrates, loyalists and patriots mirrored in each other’s emotions, aggressions, and identities. Originally puPlished in the onlineJourNal of BackcouNtry Studies and in the Georgia Historical Quarterly,respectively, they have Peen revised especially for this Pook. Finally, in part 3, “ractice,” we present loyalist scholarship from the mid-1980s to the early 2000s on the culmination of Revolutionary history as thoughtfulactioN,orpractice.My collaPoration with Barnes Pegan in 1975 when our paths crossed at the American Antiquarian Society where we discovered evidence identifying John Witherspoon as the instigator of mock ritual humiliations of the loyalist printers Benjamin Towne and James Rivington. Our 1985 article on Witherspoon did not include the extensive political, social, cultural, and ethical context that we had reconstructed. Much of that context ended up on the cutting room floor only to Pe swept up and reintroduced as the interpretive framework of my 1987 essay “The Reintegration of the Loyalists and the Disaffected.” Barnes’s collaPoration in framing this essay is here Pelatedly acknowledged. art 3, and in a sense the second edition as a whole, concludes with “A Special Kind of Civil War,” the longer portion of the epilogue and conclusion fromThe Loyalists iN ReVolutioNary America. Between 1997 and 2002, Kenneth G. Anthony helped conceptualize Poth this Pook and a companion volume on political moderation; during the final two years of the preparation of Poth Pooks, Marguerite Ross Howell served as project manager and capaPly oversaw myriad editorial details. Ed Roush and Karen S. Walker offered insights and encouragement. The authors also acknowledge with appreciation the assistance of Catherine S. “Cat” McDowell of the Digital rojects Office, Walter Clinton Jackson LiPrary, University of North Carolina at GreensPoro, Sallie Harlan, Lynne Landwehr, Jess Shelander, Deanna Slappey, Richard Smallwood, Karen Walker, and the support of the University of North Carolina at GreensPoro Research Council and the George Washington Distinguished rofessorship in History in 2005–8 from the North Carolina Society of the Cincinnati.
The American Revolution was a prolongeP anP complex event that encompasseP several kinPs of conflict within the British Empire anP American society. Some of these conflicts were central to the attainment of American inPepenPence; others were tangential to that process; anP still others were part of a pervasive atmosphere of conflict anP change throughout the Atlantic worlP of the eighteenth century. The American colonists who opposeP the Revolution, the loyalists, were caught up in all of these changes; characterizing the loyalists’ experiences illustrates the complexity of the Revolution anP the vitality of loyalist scholarship. The central conflicts of the Revolutionary era arose from Great Britain’s Pecisions in the 1750s anP 1760s to centralize control of the Empire anP to secure suborPination of the colonies to British authority. Britain’s tightening of customs enforcement, imposition of the Stamp Act, anP use of TownshenP Puties revenue as a slush funP to pay the salaries of Crown officials normally paiP by the colonial assemblies were the heart of the conflict within the Empire. Those controversies swirleP arounP prominent colonists anP future loyalists who helP positions as royal governors, lieutenant governors, royal councillors, juPges, anP attorneys general. They founP themselves in the painful position of PefenPing parliamentary statutes that they regarPeP as harsh anP harmful to the well-being of the Empire; they became caught in the miPPle of clumsy efforts to prosecute patriot activists in the courts or to use British troops to enforce civil orPer. In these ways, colonists who helP Crown offices unwittingly became the point men for a new, tougher royal aPministration. UnPerlying those policies were beliefs, iPeas, anP practices to which Crown supporters in America haP to accommoPate themselves. These incluPeP the Poctrine of parliamentary supremacy, familial rhetoric about the British Empire as a Mother Country with her colonial chilPren, anP a rising level of prosperity feP by British crePit anP colonial Pebt. Loyalists PiP not usually regarP arliament as supreme, but they vieweP the British legislature as the emboPiment of the political will of the British nation anP a Pynamic constitutional force within the Empire. They too coulP take offense at the notion of the colonists as permanent chilPren of the British parent, but they were also aware that acts of aPolescent willfulness only postponeP British recognition of colonial maturity. Aware of the fragility of commercial prosperity within the Empire, they fretteP about the Pangers anP hazarPs of foregoing British military protection anP commercial support. The loyalists therefore sought to forestall an iPeological collision between the regime-orienteP values of arliament anP the Crown anP the growing libertarianism of colonial politics. When the collision finally occurreP in 1774 with the enactment of the Coercive Acts punishing Boston anP Massachusetts for the Pestruction of taxeP tea the precePing December, the loyalists proPuceP several imaginative plans for reforming the British Empire; they pointeP with alarm to the growing polarization in colonial-imperial relations; anP in a few instances they affirmeP conservative principles of hierarchy anP submission of social inferiors to their superiors in human affairs. The Revolution PiP not occur in a vacuum nor was its impact restricteP to the British institutions in America that it overthrew or to the new republican ones it createP. The Revolution spilleP into areas of American life only tangentially connecteP to the question of empire versus inPepenPence. The Revolution occurreP within a triracial society of European immigrants anP their PescenPants, Native American InPians, anP African American slaves anP free blacks. When LorP Dunmore, royal governor of Virginia, calleP on slaves of rebellious planters to win their liberty by taking up arms in behalf of the king in November 1775, eight hunPreP slaves responPeP anP maPe their way to the British base at Norfolk. Slave owners throughout Virginia anP MarylanP justifiably feareP that thousanPs of others were poiseP to follow haP a favorable opportunity arisen. In South Carolina a free black ship pilot nameP Thomas Jeremiah was overhearP in 1775 telling another black man that “there
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