Wizards

Brian Fairbanks

Description

A corrupt old Democrat.

A surging Republican populist.

The Democrat, hounded by corruption allegations; the Republican, dogged by business failures and ties to white supremacists.

The Republican turned out thousands of screaming supporters for speeches blaming illegal immigrants and crime on the Democrats, and the Democrat plummeted in the polls.

Sound familiar?

The '91 Louisiana Governor's race was supposed to be forgettable. But when former KKK Grand Wizard David Duke shocked the nation by ousting incumbent Republican Governor Buddy Roemer in the primary, the world took notice. Democrat Edwin Edwards, a former three-term governor and two-time corruption defendant, was left alone to face Duke in the general election—and he was going to lose.

Then a little-known state committeewoman stepped in with evidence of Duke's nefarious past. Could her evidence be enough to sway the minds of fired-up voters, or would Louisiana welcome a far-right radical into the highest office in the state?

Journalist Brian Fairbanks explores how the final showdown between Duke and Edwards in November 1991 led to a major shift in our national politics, as well as the rise of the radical right and white supremacist groups, and how history repeated itself in the 2016 presidential election. The story of these political "wizards," almost forgotten by history, remains eerily prescient and disturbingly relevant, and a compulsive page-turner.
Into Louisiana’s declining economy and social unrest plunged the youngest-ever Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. With his trademark crisp gray suit, megawatt smile, soft-spoken voice, and the political smarts to focus on campus and youth recruiting, David Duke oversaw a stunning revitalization of the KKK. Born after World War II and having embraced the Third Reich as a teenager, Duke headed a growing anti-government, separate-but-equal and anti-racial-tolerance protest movement; that it positioned itself firmly on the country’s pro-business, anti-communist wing gave the capitalist establishment something to work itself into a froth debating: do we accept a candidate who thinks like us but is politically toxic? Duke made local headlines for blaming the state’s economic ills on welfare “giveaways” and rising crime rates on affirmative action initiatives. He built a personal brand of the Long variety, a demagogical organization through which he could actually sell political propaganda like yard signs, hats, or buttons emblazoned with his last name, contrary to his opponents, who often resorted to begging supporters to take swag gratis. And despite mockery in the press for being a supposed “also-ran yahoo,” Duke eventually tapped into a growing conservative movement that prized “aw shucks” personas and tough-love family values (Ronald Reagan) over substantive debate and progress (Michael Dukakis) or peacenik liberalism (Jimmy Carter). Moreover, Duke had a secret weapon. Unlike Edwin Edwards, a legendary but increasingly unwelcome figure in the political scene in the eighties, Duke’s support base was largely composed of enthusiastic voters. Rabidly enthusiastic voters.

Following the ballot count in his 1991 race, Duke’s message continued to spread to the point that it became clear he had been ahead of his time, not so much a product of it. Terrorist attacks, right-wing rhetoric, and the Klan’s popularity online in the nineties indicated, or led to, a radical realignment of the country’s two political parties. The white nationalist movement, behind the Oklahoma City and Atlanta Olympics bombings, also rose in power. It all pointed back to one campaign, one election, one candidate. While the runoff drew consecutive front-page stories in major newspapers, there is another, even more compelling tale from 1991, one mostly kept out of the panic-stricken op-eds and self-congratulatory postmortems: little-known Republican Beth Rickey, through her relentless pursuit of the truth about Duke, almost single-handedly turned the tide in the 1991 governor’s race, the most controversial and widely watched local election in American history. Her story, never thoroughly investigated or reported in full, is a prime example of the adage “country over party” and a blueprint for antifascist efforts today.
Introduction
Prologue: October 19, 1991

Part I: The Crook
1. The Squeaker
2. Fast Eddie

Part II: The Wizard
3. Aryan Youth
4. Klansman, Unhooded
5. What Beth Rickey Found
6. Vox Populist

Part III: The Grand Old Partisans
7. The Murder
8. The Dragon
9. "The Race from Hell"
10. The Gamblers
11. The Wizards
12. "The Last Race"

Part IV: The Right
13. The 5,784 Days

Postscript
Cast of Characters
Notes

Sujets

• Civil Rights
• Histoire
• Luisiana
• State
• South
• Civil and political rights
• Politics
• David Duke
• United States
• Louisiana
• Edwin Edwards
• History
• Local
• Ku Klux Klan

Informations

• Publié par: Vanderbilt University Press
• Date de parution: 15 octobre 2022
• Nombre de lectures: 0
• EAN13: 9780826505033
• Langue: English
• Poids de l'ouvrage: 1 Mo

Extrait

WIZ RDS

David Duke, America’s Wildest Election, and the Rise of the Far Right BRIAN FAIRBANKS “All books abou poliics should be so easy and enjoyable o read.”Robert Mann

WIZARDS

D W avid I Duk Z e, A A meric R a’s Wi D ldest S Election, and the Rise of the Far Right

BRIAN FAIRBANKS

vàNdeRILT uNIveRsITY PRess Nashville, ennessee

Copyright 2022 Brian FairbankS All rightS rESErE FirSt printing 2022

ibrary of CongrESS Cataloging-in-Ublication Data

amES: FairbankS, Brian, 1981– aUthor. itlE: WizarS : Dai DUkE, AmErica’S wilESt ElEction, an thE riSE of thE far right / Brian FairbankS. OthEr titlES: Dai DUkE, AmErica’S wilESt ElEction, an thE riSE of thE far right DEScription: aShillE, EnnESSEE : VanErbilt ÛniErSity rESS, [2022] | ïnclUES bibliographical rEfErEncES an inEx. | ŚUmmary: “An accoUnt of thE 1991 oUiSiana gUbErnatorial racE bEtwEEn Ex-Klan Gran Wizar Dai DUkE an formEr oUiSiana GoErnor Éwin ÉwarS, an itS conSEqUEncES”—roiE by pUbliShEr. ïEntifiErS: CC 2022007215 (print) | CC 2022007216 (Ebook) | ïŚB 9780826505019 (papErback) | ïŚB 9780826505026 (EpUb) | ïŚB 9780826505033 (pf) ŚUbjEctS: CŚH: DUkE, Dai, 1950– | KU KlUx Klan (1915– )—HiStory—20th cEntUry. | ight an lE (olitical SciEncE)—HiStory—20th cEntUry. | GoErnorS—oUiSiana—ÉlEction—HiStory—20th cEntUry. | oUiSiana—oliticS an goErnmEnt—1951– ClaSSification: CC F376.3.D84 F35 2022 (print) | CC F376.3.D84 (Ebook) | DDC 976.3/063—c23/Eng/20220225 C rEcor aailablE at httpS://lccn.loc.go/2022007215 C Ebook rEcor aailablE at httpS://lccn.loc.go/2022007216

CONTENTS

PART I.

Inroducion

Prologue. OctobEr 19, 1991

THE CROOK 1. hE ŚqUEakEr 2. FaSt ÉiE

PART II. THE WIZARD 3. Aryan oUth 4. KlanSman, ÛnhooE 5. What BEth ickEy FoUn 6. Vox opUliSt

PART III. THE GRAND OLD PARTISANS 7. hE MUrEr 8. hE Dragon 9. “hE acE from HEll” 10. hE GamblErS

11. hE WizarS 12. “hE aSt acE”

 5

15 27

41 51 63 81

101 111 126 139 156 174

 v 

 vI 

 I Z à R d s

PART IV. THE RIGHT  13. hE 5,784 DayS

Posscrip Cas of Characers Noes Acknowledgmens

193

   

Introduction

HE iS not a GEorgE WallacE. HE iS bEyon that. HE iS trUly a typE that onE woUl fin in thE S in GErmany. HE SEES himSElf aS thiS MESSiah, that hE’S going to SaE thE whitE racE. eT RIçeY, in thENew York imes, o. 10, 1991

hE Far ight in’t comE oUt of nowhErE in thE ÛnitE ŚtatES; in fact, it camE from oUiSiana. hE otErS, “ankEES” an forEign obSErErS who wErE SUrpriSE by thE roU BoyS, Donal rUmp, thE Oath KEEpErS, an thE “Śtop thE ŚtEal” rally mUSt haE oErlookE thE Elican ŚtatE’S politicS oEr thE prEioUS cEntUry an a right-wing UpriSing SEEE thErE an throUghoUt thE ŚoUth. BEginning a cEntUry ago, thE glitz an glamor of thE oaring wEntiES claShE with a wi- Ening incomE inEqUality, altErnatEly inSpiring an Enraging milE claSS an poor folkS, althoUgh thoSE blocS initially SUrgE towar aleT-wing popUliSm to EEn thE ScorE. oUiSiana goErnor an ÛŚ SEnator HUEy ong EmErgE from thE crackling, olatilE GrEat DEprESSion a towEring figUrE of Unfathom- ablE popUlarity ESpitE Exhibiting UnprEcEEntE ElUSionS of granEUr, aS  bEfitting of thE titlE of hiS SElf-pEnnE thEmE Song, “ÉEry Man a King.” HE oncE tol writEr JamES hUrbEr, “ï’E SaE thE liES of littlE chilrEn, ï’E SEnt mEn throUgh collEgE, ï’E liE commUnitiES from thE mU, ï’E cUrE  inSanE pEoplE.” ong, thoUgh, waS morE accUratEly thE political EqUialEnt of a raging rUnk in a bar, hEl back by both armS, pUrpliSh an SEEthing, growling that hiS targEt waS lUcky hE coUln’t rEach. hoUgh 5' 10", hiS con- tEmporariES EScribE him aS a “Scrappy, portly littlE fEllEr.” ong EmErgE aS a litigant againSt thE StatE’S ominEEring oil monopoliES, kicking an ScrEaming hiS way into thE hEartS of UnErogS in EEry pariSh, inclUing thE “colorES.” ïn an Era bESEt by SixtEEn SEnatorS, Sixty congrESSmEn, an ElEEn goErnorS who wErE known KlanSmEn, ong brokE nEw groUn in thE ŚoUth

  

    I Z à R d s

by rEfUSing to racE bait, focUSing inStEa on “thE Social an Economic prob- lEmS of thE prESEnt,” aS biographEr . Harry WilliamS SUggEStE, inclUing  aEr thE mUrEr of two anti-Klan actiiStS. hE “KingfiSh” thrEatEnE a Klan ïmpErial Wizar, Saying hE woUl go “toES Up” if hE “arE” iSit oUiSiana, an whEn aSkE aboUt hiS planS for black pEoplE, ong Sai firmly that hE woUl “trEat thEm jUSt thE SamE aS anyboy ElSE, giE thEm an opportUnity  to makE a liing, an to gEt an EUcation.” BUoyE by hiS ElEction to thE ÛŚ ŚEnatE whilE Still in thE GoErnor’S ManSion, ong immEiatEly thrEatEnE to challEngE Franklin DElano ooSEElt for thE prESiEncy—a moE backE by thE nation’S moSt popUlar raio broacaStEr—if FD rEfUSE to Enact SocialiSt Economic programS  likE wEalth rEiStribUtion. ong likEly plannE to challEngE rESiEnt ooSEElt from a thir-party platform an EithEr Split thE lE-wing otE or Slip throUgh thE crackS to win in 1936. ïnStEa, bEforE hE coUl rUn in Ear- nESt, hE waS fEllE at thE StatE capitol by an aSSaSSin’S piStol. ÉyEwitnESSES claimE hiS laSt worS wErE, “Oh Go, on’t lEt mE iE. ï haE So mUch lE  to o.” o oUiSiana politician SErioUSly thrEatEnE for thE prESiEncy  again Until thE riSE of Dai DUkE.

hE mEtEoric aScEnSion of a oUiSiana DEmocrat not namE ong haS Simi- lar parallElS. From thE firSt monthS of thE 1970S to thE Early 1990S, whEn conSEratiES finally achiEE powEr an SqUEEzE oUt thE laSt rEmnantS of libEral wElfarE programS an ciil rightS initiatiES, Éwin WaShington ÉwarS, a SharEcroppEr’S Son born Shortly bEforE ong’S firSt ictory, SErE aS KingfiSh UnEr a Similar monikEr: “thE CajUn rincE.” HE ha othEr nicknamES, too, likE FaSt ÉiE (hE won $15,000 playing crapS on a  campaign-rElatE trip to Monaco ), thE ŚilEr Fox (hiS SlickE-back graying hair caUSE ScrEamS whEn it waS SightE EmErging from a limo, EEn at agE Sixty-foUr), an thE Crook, bUt thE CajUn rincE StUck. ikE HUEy ong, hE EmbracE labElS, for whEthEr laUatory or Erogatory, thEy wErE frEE pUb- licity. A ry-wittE, hanSomE car playEr bUt a tEEtotalEr an a nonSmokEr, ÉwarS bUilt hiS awE-inSpiring million-plUS-otEr following throUgh what ŚÛ profESSor WaynE arEnt callE “MaE-For-V ongiSm,” crUShing SlEEpy opponEntS likE EpUblican DaE rEEn, of whom ÉwarS famoUSly Sai, “ït  takES him an hoUr an a half to watch ‘60 MinUtES.’” ikE hiS contEmporary Bill Clinton, ÉwarS’S magnEtiSm an ability to connEct onE on onE with otErS hElpE him rEmain UnEfEatE in SixtEEn conSEcUtiE ElEctionS, bUt bEing SEEmingly UnbEatablE in’t rEnEr him impErioUS to SElf-inflictE woUnS, an thoSE woUnS EEntUally oomE him.

Introduction  

ïn tanEm with thE EclinE of a progrESSiE national DEmocratic party in thE poSt-ooSEElt Era, oUiSiana moE fUrthEr right. DiiSiE Social iSSUES fEStErE to thE point that, following a 1980S ŚUprEmE CoUrt rUling allowing StatES to SEt rEStrictionS on abortionS, oUiSiana maE prEgnancy tErmi- nation illEgal EEn in caSES of rapE or incESt an SEt an aStoniShingly high SalES tax ratE, a conSEqUEncE of conSEratiE officialS fEaring any incomE  tax incrEaSE woUl aliEnatE thEir ïŚ-obSESSE baSE. ïnto oUiSiana’S Eclining Economy an Social UnrESt plUngE thE yoUngESt-EEr Gran Wizar of thE KU KlUx Klan. With hiS traEmark criSp gray SUit, mEgawatt SmilE, So-SpokEn oicE, an thE political SmartS to focUS on campUS an yoUth rEcrUiting, Dai DUkE oErSaw a StUnning rEitalization of thE KKK. Born aEr Worl War ïï an haing EmbracE thE hir Eich aS a tEEnagEr, DUkE hEaE a growing anti-goErnmEnt,  SEparatE-bUt-EqUal an anti-racial-tolErancE protESt moEmEnt; that it poSitionE itSElf firmly on thE coUntry’S pro-bUSinESS, anti-commUniSt wing gaE thE capitaliSt EStabliShmEnt SomEthing to work itSElf into a froth Ebating:do we accept a candidate who thinks like us but is politically toxic? DUkE maE local hEalinES for blaming thE StatE’S Economic illS on wEl-  farE “giEawayS” an riSing crimE ratES on affirmatiE action initiatiES. HE bUilt a pErSonal bran of thE ong ariEty, a Emagogical organiza- tion throUgh which hE coUl actUallysellpolitical propagana likE yar SignS, hatS, or bUttonS EmblazonE with hiS laSt namE, contrary to hiS opponEntS, who oEn rESortE to bEgging SUpportErS to takE Swag gratiS. An ESpitE mockEry in thE prESS for bEing a SUppoSE “alSo-ran yahoo,” DUkE EEntUally tappE into a growing conSEratiE moEmEnt that prizE “aw ShUckS” pErSonaS an toUgh-loE family alUES (onal Eagan) oEr SUbStantiE EbatE an progrESS (MichaEl DUkakiS) or pEacEnik libEral- iSm (Jimmy CartEr). MorEoEr, DUkE ha a SEcrEt wEapon. ÛnlikE Éwin ÉwarS, a lEgEnary bUt incrEaSingly UnwElcomE figUrE in thE political ScEnE in thE EightiES, DUkE’S SUpport baSE waS largEly compoSE of EnthU- SiaStic otErS.RabidlyEnthUSiaStic otErS. Following thE ballot coUnt in hiS 1991 racE, DUkE’S mESSagE continUE to SprEa to thE point that it bEcamE clEar hE ha bEEn ahEa of hiS timE, not So mUch a proUct of it. ErroriSt attackS, right-wing rhEtoric, an thE Klan’S popUlarity onlinE in thE ninEtiES inicatE, or lE to, a raical rEalign- mEnt of thE coUntry’S two political partiES. hE whitE nationaliSt moEmEnt, bEhin thE Oklahoma City an Atlanta OlympicS bombingS, alSo roSE in  powEr. ït all pointE back to onE campaign, onE ElEction, onE caniatE. WhilE thE rUnoff rEw conSEcUtiE front-pagE StoriES in major nEwSpapErS,