The main aim of the book is to provide a forum for opinions held by Arabs who are neither Western puppets nor fanatical nationalists or Islamists, but rather academics with a vast knowledge of the Middle East as well as of the West. The authors all support the building of a democratic secular Middle East, but their writings also show that although there is no easy way to achieve this goal, neither is there any excuse for not making the attempt. Contributors: Nader Fergany author of the Arab Human Development Reports; Raymond Hinnebusch professor of International Relations and Middle East Politics, University of St. Andrews; Yezid Sayigh consultant to the international donor community in Palestine; Samir Aita Syrian scholar and dissident; Graham Usher British journalist; Hanan Rabbani Palestinian consultant for Amnesty International; Mai Yamani (Saudi Arabia) research fellow with the Middle East Programme at the Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House; Fowziyah Abu-Khalid Saudi sociologist; Amal Shlash Iraq; Huda Al-Nu'aimi Iraq; Jgen S. Nielsen Professor, director of the Danish Institute in Damascus.
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Extrait
Democratisation in the Middle East Dilemmas and Perspectives
Aarhus University Press
Democratisation in the Middle East
Dilemmas and Perspectives
DEMOCRATISATION INTHEMIDDLEEAST
Dîlemmas and Perspectîves
E D I T E D B Y B I R G I T T E R A H B E K
A A R H U S U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S
DEMOCRATISATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST Dîlemmas and Perspectîves
Introductîon: Dîemmas of democratîsatîon în the Mîdde East Bîrgîtte Rahbek, edîtor
The UNDP’s Arab Human Deveopment Reports and theîr readîngs Nader Fergany
Prospects for democratîsatîon în the Mîdde East Raymond Hînnebusch
US and European support to democratîc reform: The înten-tîons and practîces as seen from the Mîdde East Yezîd Sayîgh
Do Europe and the USA reay want democratîc reforms în Syrîa? Samîr Aîta
The crîses în the Paestînîan Natîona Movement and the strugge for Paestînîan democracy Graham Usher
A Paestînîan vîew on the roe of Western NGOs în promotîng democracy and especîay women’s rîghts în the Mîdde East Hanan Rabbanî
The îmîts of poîtîca reform în Saudî Arabîa Maî Yamanî
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141
151
165
Amerîcan and Western poîtîca înîtîatîves în the Mîdde East: Chaenges of democratîsatîon în the Mîdde East – Case study of Saudî Arabîa Fowzîyah Abu-Khalîd
Democratîsatîon în future Iraq Amal Shlash
The democratîc dîemmas în Iraq Huda Al-Nu’aîmî
Isamophobîa în Europe and îts împact on the push for democratîsatîon în the Arab word Jørgen S. Nîelsen
Bîographîes
Introduction Dîlemmas of democratîsatîon în the Mîddle East
B I R G I T T E R A H B E K
Democracy has been on the agenda în the Arab word for severa dec-ades, most partîcuary în the 1960s and 1970s when ît was propagated by progressîve and secuar natîona opposîtîon movements and partîes – ony to ind no support în the West whîch, durîng the cod war, coud ony conceîve of one enemy, the Communîsts or Socîaîsts. Instead, the West supported and armed one authorîtarîan and repressîve regîme after another, shîppîng weapons of mass destructîon and ogîstîcs to dîctators. Socîaîsts and pan-Arabîsts were seen as threatenîng eements, whîe the rîsîng fundamentaîsts were consîdered a harmess counterweîght. In the case of Afghanîstan, however, the fundamentaîsts or Isamîsts were mîîtarîsed and gobaîsed by the West and set agaînst the învadîng Sovîet troops who were inay defeated and wîthdrew, eavîng behînd them tens of thousands of unempoyed Mujahedeen eager for new expoîts. A snake had been fostered at the împerîa breast. When the Isamîsts turned agaînst theîr former sponsors and mas-ters, democracy suddeny became the buzzword în the Western cor-rîdors of power, from whence ît aîmed more at foes than at frîends în the Mîdde East. However, the creatîon of a Western stye democracy, î.e. one man – and woman! – one vote în the Mîdde East, mîght ead to poîtîca structures dîfferent from the maeabe and compîant ones favoured by the West. The ong decades of despotîsm, corruptîon, and nepotîsm made ît very îkey that such a democracy woud produce what the West now despîsed and feared most of a, an Isamîst antî-Western natîonaîst regîme. Nevertheess the majorîty of Arabs (61 percent accordîng to Word
8 Vaues Survey în ive Arab countrîes, Agerîa, Jordan, Saudî Arabîa, D E M O C R A T I S A T I O N I N T H E M I D D L E E A S T Egypt and Morocco) favour democracy over other poîtîca systems, whîch îs a hîgher percentage than that found în 16 European countrîes and by far exceeds the igures în the US, Canada, Austraîa, and New Zeaand. Yet ît îs the West that wants to export democracy to the Arab word în genera and to the Mîdde East în partîcuar, be ît the Amerî-can “Broader Mîdde East and North Afrîca Inîtîatîve” or the Danîsh “Wîder Mîdde East Inîtîatîve”. Both înîtîatîves were înspîred by the attacks on New York and Washîngton on September 11, 2001 but are not desîgned în such a way as to fui the democratîc aspîratîons of the Arab peopes. One of the mîstakes of the West has been a tendency to consîder the Arab word a statîc entîty that shoud be pushed – by mîîtary or economîc means – towards democracy. And one of the mîstakes of the Arab word has been to bame everythîng on others, be ît the US, the West în genera, or Israe în partîcuar. The essays în thîs book transcend both of these erroneous vîews and dea înstead wîth both the externa and the înterna forces that are împedîng or promotîng democracy în the Arab word. The new Western mantra demandîng democracy has often been met wîth mutîpe accusatîons of doube standards: “Why în Iraq and not în Saudî Arabîa?”; “Why shoud Syrîa compy wîth the UN resou-tîons and not Israe?” and “Why îs the atter aowed to have weapons of mass destructîon and not the Arab countrîes?” Often raîsed yet never answered, these questîons are on every Arab cîtîzen’s mînd, and no pan for democracy and no amount of money can do away wîth them; at the end of the day they wî have to be answered adequatey and justy. Therefore ît îs out of the questîon to put the îssue of the occupatîon of Iraq and Paestîne asîde and go ahead wîth busîness as usua wîth other Arab countrîes – as was the înîtîa pan of, for exampe, the Danîsh government. No matter how forthcomîng theîr eaders are, the peope stî demand justîce and, surprîsîngy to some, no matter how dîctatorîa the eaders mîght be, theîr peope stî hod them accountabe to some degree at east. Even a dîctator has to îsten to the street. Furthermore the Arab word îs, în îts own fragmented way, stî an entîty. Men and women în the streets of Rabat or Damascus do fee an
afiîatîon and empathy wîth the men and women în the ruîns of Fa-uja or Jenîn. The daîy înjustîces împosed upon these peope by theîr own ruers are repeated în the evenîng on TV, whîch shows pîctures of occupatîon sodîers kîckîng în doors în Mosu or Ramaah. Yet athough the countrîes of the Mîdde East are changîng, poîtî-cay drîven by înterna forces, these current reform processes face a number of chaenges. Internay, poîtîca opposîtîon partîes and fac-tîons, dîssîdents and NGOs are subject to varyîng degrees of contro and contaînment by regîmes whose popuar egîtîmacy remaîns îmîted. Whîe some of the regîmes have started a dîaogue wîth reform-orî-ented organîsatîons and poîtîca factîons, ît remaîns to be seen whether thîs wî generay resut în comprehensîve and endurîng reforms and popuar partîcîpatîon. Furthermore, externa actors – partîcuary the Unîted States and to some degree Europe – are seekîng înluence on the poîtîca andscape of the Mîdde East, based on the notîon that promotîng democracy îs the key to stabîîty and prosperîty în the regîon. However, these efforts are mîstrusted by arge sectîons of the Arab pubîc, partîcuary în the wake of the US-ed învasîon of Iraq. Therefore the questîon îs whether the approach represented by the West îs approprîate and, îf not, what aternatîves are avaîabe. In eary February 2005 The Pum Foundatîon arranged a confer-ence în Copenhagen în order to present “a vîew from the Mîdde East” on the dîemmas of democratîsatîon în the area. The conference brought together a number of îndependent experts from Iraq, Saudî Arabîa, Syrîa and Paestîne, as we as a few Western schoars who for decades have been doîng research, not ony în and about the Arab word, but aso among Musîms în Europe. The authors a focus on the chaenges and possîbîîtîes arîsîng from the atest deveopments în the regîon and the word at arge. Thîs anthoogy relects the îdeas and anayses presented at the conference and the chapters provîde a broad and nuanced pîcture of the dîemmas of democratîsatîon în the Mîdde East. The maîn aîm of the book îs to provîde a forum for opînîons hed by Arabs who are neîther Western puppets nor fanatîca natîonaîsts or Isamîsts, but rather academîcs wîth a vast knowedge of the Mîd-de East as we as of the West. The authors a support the buîdîng
9 D E M O C R A T I S A T I O N I N T H E M I D D L E E A S T |
B I R G I T T E R A H B E K
10 of a democratîc secuar Mîdde East, but theîr wrîtîngs aso show that D E M O C R A T I S A T I O N I N T H E M I D D L E E A S T athough there îs no easy way to achîeve thîs goa, there are îkewîse no easy excuses for not makîng the attempt. The book coud be seen as compementary to the atestArab Human Development Reportand, as such, a much needed antîdote to the sea of unfounded optîmîsm as to the democratîc outcome of the war în Iraq, as we as to the outcome of the varîous Mîdde Eastern “peace” înîtîa-tîves. In the irst chapterNader Fergany – the ead author of theArab Human Development Reports– deas wîth the indîngs of these reports. Present Arab regîmes have faîed to deîver the goods to whîch the Arab peope aspîre both în terms of freedom – în the broadest sense of the word – and good governance, as we as concernîng the mînîmum deinî-tîon of deveopment, namey economîc growth. Nader Fergany outînes the future scenarîos that are open to the Arab word, 1) a contînuatîon of the status quo, î.e. “the împendîng dîsaster scenarîo”; recent deveop-ments în Egypt seem to conirm thîs vîewpoînt. 2) “Theépanouîssement scenarîo” wîth a redîstrîbutîon of power, buîdîng of good governance, tota respect of the key freedoms of opînîon, expressîon and assemby, whîch agaîn woud ead to a hîgher eve of cîvî partîcîpatîon. 3) Rea-îstîcay speakîng, however, thîs thîrd scenarîo mîght îe somewhere between these two extremes. In Fergany’s vîew there îs no contradîctîon between Isam and freedom, and outsîde mîîtary înterference, as în the case of Iraq, îs counterproductîve because one cannot îberate a peope by deprîvîng them of natîona îberatîon. In chapter 2Raymond Hînnebusch,professor of Internatîona Rea-tîons and Mîdde East Poîtîcs at the Unîversîty of St. Andrews, dîscusses the structura condîtîons for democratîsatîon în the Mîdde East. A secure natîona îdentîty îs often consîdered a prerequîsîte for democra-tîsatîon, but the Arab states have strugged wîth borders beîng arbîtrar-îy împosed on them rather than beîng congruent wîth oca îdentîty. Therefore oyaty to trîbe and sect as we as to supra-state îdentîtîes (Arabîsm, Isam) has competed powerfuy wîth oyaty to the state, and overcomîng thîs dîsunîty – rather than estabîshîng democracy – has been gîven prîorîty by the eaders of these weak states. The same îs true of the maîn popuar poîtîca movements – pan-Arabîsts and poîtîca