Oil Wars

Description

Are oil-rich countries prone to war? And, if so, why? There is a widely held belief that contemporary wars are motivated by the desire of great powers like the United States or Russia to control precious oil resources and to ensure energy security.



This book argues that the main reason why oil-rich countries are prone to war is because of the character of their society and economy. Sectarian groups compete for access to oil resources and finance their military adventures through smuggling oil, kidnapping oil executives, or blowing up pipelines. Outside intervention only makes things worse. The use of conventional military force as in Iraq can bring neither stability nor security of supply.



This book examines the relationship between oil and war in six different regions: Angola, Azerbaijan, Colombia, Indonesia, Nigeria and Russia. Each country has substantial oil reserves, and has a long history of conflict. The contributors assess what part oil plays in causing, aggravating or mitigating war in each region and how this relation has altered with the changing nature of war. It offers a novel conceptual approach bringing together Kaldor's work on 'new wars' and Karl's work on the petro-state.
Introduction

1. Nigeria: Political Violence, Governance and Corporate Responsibility in a Petro-State, by Robin Luckham and Okey Ibeanu

2. Drilling in Deep Water: Oil, Business and War in Angola, by Phillippe Le Billon

3. Greed and Grievance in Chechnya, by Yahia Said

4. Oil and Conflict: The Case of Nagorno Karabakh, by Mary Kaldor

5. The Conflict in Aceh: Struggle Over Oil?, by Kirsten E. Schulze

6. Oil and Armed Conflict in Casanare, Colombia: Complex Contexts and Contingent Moments, by Jenny Pearce

Conclusions

Index

Sujets

• Business
• Economics
• Energy
• Sciences et techniques
• POLITICAL SCIENCE
• Industries
• Political Freedom

Informations

• Publié par: Pluto Press
• Date de parution: 20 mars 2007
• Nombre de lectures: 0
• EAN13: 9781783715459
• Langue: English

Extrait

OIL WARS
Oil Wars
Edited by Mary Kaldor, Terry Lynn Karl and Yahia Said
First published 2007 by Pluto Press
345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA and
175 5th Avenue, New York, NY 10010
Distributed in the United States of America exclusively by
Palgrave Macmillan, a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC,
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010.
Copyright © Mary Kaldor, Terry Lynn Karl and Yahia Said 2007
The right of the individual contributors to be identified as the authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978 0 7453 2479 1 Hardback
ISBN: 978 0 7453 2478 4 Paperback
ISBN: 978 1 7837 1545 9 ePub
ISBN: 978 1 7837 1546 6 Mobi
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data applied for.
This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental standards of the country of origin. The paper may contain up to 70% post consumer waste.
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2
Designed and produced for Pluto Press by
Curran Publishing Services, Norwich, England
Printed and bound in the European Union by
Antony Rowe, Chippenham and Eastbourne, England
 
Contents

 
List of figures, boxes, tables and maps
 
List of abbreviations
 
Preface by Mary Kaldor
 
Introduction
 
Mary Kaldor, Terry Lynn Karl and Yahia Said
1
Nigeria: political violence, governance and corporate responsibility in a petro-state
 
Okey Ibeanu and Robin Luckham
2
Drilling in deep water: oil, business and war in Angola
 
Philippe Le Billon
3
Greed and grievance in Chechnya
 
Yahia Said
4
Oil and conflict: the case of Nagorno Karabakh
 
Mary Kaldor
5
The conflict in Aceh: struggle over oil?
 
Kirsten E. Schulze
6
Oil and armed conflict in Casanare, Colombia: complex contexts and contingent moments
 
Jenny Pearce
 
Conclusion
 
Mary Kaldor and Yahia Said
 
Notes on Contributors
 
Index
 
Figures, Boxes, Tables and Maps

Figure
1.1
Nigerian crude oil production performance 1958–2003
Box
2.1
Between patronage and kleptocracy
Tables
I.1
The oil rent-seeking cycle
1.1
Oil, politics and conflict in Nigeria: a chronology 1953–2005
1.2
Oil operating company security scenarios
2.1
Oil sector in the economy and public finances (1992–2002)
3.1
Attitudes to the war
4.1
Azerbaijan: structure of GDP
4.2
Tax revenues in Armenia and Azerbaijan and in selected former Soviet Republics
4.3
Armed forces and defence expenditure in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Karabakh
Map
Aceh and north-west Indonesia
 
Abbreviations

AAP
Academic Associates Peaceworks
ACDAINSO
Community Association for the Agro-industrial Development of El Morro
ACP
Colombian Petroleum Association
AIOC
Azerbaijan International Operating Consortium
ANC
African National Congress
ANUC
Peasant Association for Unity and Reconstruction
ASNLF
Aceh Sumatra National Liberation Front
AUC
United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia
AVS
Anambra State Vigilante Service
bbl/d
barrels per day
BPMIGAS
Indonesian regulatory agency for oil and gas
BPS
Central Statistics Bureau, Indonesia
BPXC
British Petroleum Exploration Colombia
CAFOD
Catholic Agency for Overseas Development
CBM
confidence-building measure
CIIR
Catholic Institute for International Relations
CIS
Commonwealth of Independent States
CMI
Crisis Management Initiative
COHA
Cessation of Hostilities Agreement
CPF
Central Production Facility
DAS-Rural
rural arm of the Colombian intelligence service
DOM
daerah operasi militer (military operations area)
DP
displaced person
DSC
Defence Systems Colombia
EBRD
European Bank of Reconstruction and Development
EITI
Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative
ELN
National Liberation Army (Colombia)
EMOI
ExxonMobil Oil Indonesia
FAA
Forças Armadas Angolanas
FARC
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
FCO
Foreign and Commonwealth Office
FESA
Eduardo dos Santos Foundation
FLEC
Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda
FLN
National Liberation Front (Algeria)
FNLA
National Liberation Front of Angola
FOM
Public Opinion Foundation
FOWA
Federation of Ogoni Women’s Association
GAM
Free Aceh Movement
hCa
Helsinki Citizens Assembly
IEA
International Energy Agency
IFIs
International financial institutions
ILRF
International Labour Rights Fund
IMF
International Monetary Fund
INC
Ijaw National Council
INCORA
Agrarian Reform Institute (Colombia)
JILCO
Japanese Indonesia LNG Co.
JSC
Joint Security Committee
LNG
liquefied natural gas
MOI
Mobil Oil Indonesia
MOSIEN
Movement for the Survival of Ijaw Ethnic Nationality
MOSOP
Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People
MOU
Memorandum of understanding
MPLA
Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola
MPRI
Military Professional Resources Incorporated
NAD
Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (Aceh, as renamed under Law 18/2001)
NDDC
Niger Delta Development Commission
NDVF
Niger Delta Volunteer Force
NGO
non-governmental organisation
NNPC
Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation
NYCOP
National Youth Council of the Ogoni People
OCENSA
Oleoducto Central S.A. (Colombian crude oil pipeline)
OPEC
Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries
OKPH
Operasi Pemulihan Keamanan dan Penegakan Hukum (Operation for the Restoration of Security and Upholding the Law)
OSCE
Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe
PDP
People’s Democratic Party
PfP
Partnership for Peace
PNR
National Rehabilitation Programme
PSC
production-sharing contract
SIRA
Sentral Informasi Referendum Aceh (Aceh Referendum Information Centre)
SOCAR
Azerbaijan State Oil Company
SOFAR
Azerbaijan State Oil Fund
SPDC
Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria
SWAPO
South West Africa’s People’s Organisation
TACIS
Technical Assistance for the Commonwealth of Independent States
TNI
Indonesian armed forces
UNDP
United Nations Development Program
UNICEF
United Nations Children’s Fund
UNITA
National Union for the Total Independence of Angola
 
Preface

In 1998, I was invited to the BP Christmas party. It was held in the British Museum in the room where the Elgin Marbles are displayed. Champagne flowed and delicious canapés were served. I didn’t know anyone so I plucked up courage and went up to a man with a BP sign on his lapel. I introduced myself and explained that I didn’t know why I had been invited. He turned out to be the Managing Director, Chris Gibson-Smith, and he explained that I had been invited because BP had decided to become a human rights company.
That was the origin of this book. It was a time when BP was coming under public criticism for its behaviour in Colombia, as were Shell in the Niger Delta and Exxon in Aceh. As one of the oil executives we interviewed explained, oil companies are increasingly exploring oilfields in unstable parts of the world; they are facing what he described as the ‘social equivalent of deep sea drilling’. I and my colleague Yahia Said decided that, as social scientists, it is our task to investigate and analyse the ‘social equivalent of deep sea drilling’ and to work out what it might mean to be genuinely a ‘human rights company’.
Our idea was to combine my work on ‘new wars’ with the work of those scholars who had developed the concept of a petro-state, and therefore we approached Terry Karl and asked her to join our team. To ensure objectivity, we sought independent funding. The Ford Foundation provided an initial grant for the research. We also received a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation, which enabled us to hold a meeting at Bellagio, the Italian villa owned by the Foundation, where we presented our case studies to oil industry executives. Many of the policy recommendations in the conclusion result from that meeting. 1
We would like to thank the Ford Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation for their support for this project; David Rice of BP who agreed to co-host the Bellagio meeting and invite the oil executives; the many people from NGOs and oil companies who participated in our meetings and discussed our ideas with us but are too numerous to mention by name; Jonas Moberg from the Prince of Wales International Business Leaders Forum, who acted as a rapporteur and helped to draft the recommendations; Liz Phillipson, who began the Indonesia study; Joanne Hay, Rita Field, and Jen Otoadese for administrative assistance; and Lord Meghnad Desai, our former Director, for intellectual advice.
We are particularly grateful to Peter Harrington for the thankless task of putting together all the final corrections and managing the book in its last stages
Mary Kaldor, November 2005
1 .
See http://www.lse.ac.uk/Depts/global/Publications/oilandconflictbellagioreport.pdf .
 
Introduction
Mary Kaldor, Terry Lynn Karl and Yahia Said

The Iraq war has nothing to do with oil, literally nothing to do with oil.
(Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of Defense, 2002)
The most important difference between North Korea and Iraq is that economically we just had no choice in Iraq. The country swims on a sea of oil.
(Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy Defense Secretary, 2003)
Oil has literally made foreign and security policy for decades.
(Bill Richardson, Secretary of Energy, 1999)
Iraq is sitting on top of the second-largest proven oil reserves in the world. It may possess up to a quarter of total world reserves, and it has the potential in the future to become the world’s largest oil exporter. 1 Supporters of the war, while denying that military action in Iraq was initiated to control its oil, do assert that these massive reserves are of vital strategic interest to the West, and thus the installation of a friend