Durkheim’s Naturalistic Moral Education: Pluralism, Social ...
14 pages

Durkheim’s Naturalistic Moral Education: Pluralism, Social ...

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  • cours magistral
  • dissertation
  • cours - matière potentielle : as a means
  • expression écrite
319David N. Boote P H I L O S O P H Y O F E D U C A T I O N 2 0 0 2 Durkheim's Naturalistic Moral Education: Pluralism, Social Change, and Autonomy David N. Boote University of Central Florida Whatever happened to Emile Durkheim? The progenitor of modern educational sociological theory and research, today he is not so much dismissed as ignored. When mentioned in recent educational writing, he has become a stock character, a convenient trope whenever someone wants to argue against the idea that education is “mere socialization.
  • educational thought
  • particular people at a particular time
  • c.j. bullock
  • j.a. spaulding
  • moral education
  • autonomy
  • social norms
  • society
  • people
  • individuals



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c hapter 1
The European u nion in
Economic Diplomacy
The aim of this volume is to contribute to a better understanding of European
Union (EU) economic diplomacy, or decision-making and negotiation in the
external economic policies of the EU. It addresses a number of questions. The frst
is the straightforward, but seldom simple question of how Eu economic diplomacy
functions. In other words it looks at the internal decision-making processes that
determine the Eu ’s policy preferences and how the Eu handles negotiations at the
international level. The second question the volume addresses is what role the EU
plays in economic diplomacy? When does the EU appear as a distinct actor with
common goals pursuing coherent negotiating objectives, and when is the EU’s
role more one forum or level in a wider process in which Eu member states lead?
The book seeks in particular to identify the factors that determine the role the
EU plays. The third and most challenging question addressed is what shapes the
effectiveness of Eu economic diplomacy?
Before discussing how the book approaches these questions it is necessary to
set the scene in terms of the general place the Eu assumes in economic diplomacy
today. The EU’s place in international economic negotiations has emerged
progressively over many decades. This was the case for international trade in
which the Eu ’s role has evolved from a limited but active role with the creation
of a customs union, through a more important but defensive role in the 1970s, to
a more outward-looking and proactive role in the 1980s and 1990s. In the feld of
international environmental policy the Eu has also established a place for itself in
the key international negotiations on topics such as climate change. This came later
than trade with the EU’s place really only being established in the 1980s. In the
feld of development policy the EU, counting member state and EU level offcial
development assistance (ODA), remains the largest provider of development aid.
In other policy areas central to international economic relations, such as fnance,
the EU’s place appears to be less well established.
l ooking at the EU in international economic negotiations from a broad systemic
perspective, the Eu has emerged from what was the dominant transatlantic or
developed country ‘club’ that shaped international economic relations from the
establishment of the Bretton Woods system in the 1940s until perhaps the 1990s.
The role of the European Economic Community (EEC) and then the European
Community (EC) was initially that of a follower behind the leadership of the United
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1States (US) for much of the period. The Ec was then part of the o rganisation for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Club Model during the 1980s
and 1990s. In line with the evolution that saw a greater role for the EC in some
policy areas than others, the Ec assumed an important role in trade from a fairly
early date, with the EU participating in the quad (USA, EC, Canada and Japan)
that infuenced trade policy during the 1980s and 1990s. As Chapter 3 of this
volume shows, even though the Ec could be said to have been an actor in trade
from a relatively early date in the post-war period and was a member of the quad,
the EC’s position on trade was very much shaped in response to US leadership. It
was not until the 1990s that the Eu emerged as an actor with leadership aspirations
in international trade. In some cases international policy has been shaped by more
inclusive organisations such as environment policy in the UN. h ere, as Chapter
5 will show, the EU has also moved from the shadow of US leadership. In others
negotiation and policy-making remains strongly infuenced by a dominance of
transatlantic links, such as was the case in international fnancial market regulation,
at least until the fnancial crisis of 2008 and the greater use of the G20.
The dominance of the o Ec D club in shaping international economic diplomacy
has been steadily eroded since the 1990s by the growth of the major emerging
markets and challenges by developing countries seeking a greater say. The EU’s
place in international economic diplomacy must therefore be seen in terms of
these broad structural shifts in relative economic power within the international
economic order. Will the EU be able to provide leadership in international
negotiations? If it cannot do this alone, will it hold to established links to the US
and other like-minded OECD countries or seek to cooperate with the emerging
economic powers? If EU member states have been content for the EU to fulfl
the role of a forum for negotiation rather than as a distinctive actor when the
agenda was shaped by likeminded OECD countries, will they feel equally content
when the agenda and negotiations are shaped by a more heterogeneous group of
countries? in the more multi-polar international economic order of the twenty-
frst century, the role the EU assumes will have systemic implications as well as
implications for the Eu ’s international policy aims and the level of integration
within Europe.
The contemporary context for the debate on the role of the Eu in economic
diplomacy is shaped by the treaty changes brought about by the ratifcation and
adoption of the Treaty of l isbon (Treaty on the Functioning of the European
Union, TFEU). These pose challenges and offer opportunities for the EU. The
challenges include integrating the European Parliament (EP) with the greater
powers it has acquired as a result of the l isbon Treaty into EU decision-making.
Greater democratic accountability could strengthen the Eu , but there is also a
need to ensure EU economic diplomacy is effcient. The TFEU means increased
1 Through the book the abbreviations EEC, EC and EU will be used depending on the
status of the European treaties at the time. When discussing the European Union in general,
the abbreviation EU will be used as this is now the common usage.
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EU competence in areas such as foreign direct investment (FDI), and thus
a greater role for the EU as opposed to the member states. The treaty changes
have also disturbed the established practice in decision-making in terms of the
balance between the member states in the Council or its working groups and the
Commission. A further challenge is how to meet the treaty aims of integrating
all the Eu ’s external policies under the common external action and within the
European External Action Service (EEAS). Replacing the three pillar structure
of the European Union (European Community, Common Foreign and Security
policy and Justice and Home a ffairs) with a single system that brings together
trade, environment, development and humanitarian assistance with foreign policy
holds the promise of a greater role for the Eu in international relations, but it also
poses the challenge of ensuring coherence across different policy areas.
How Does EU Economic Diplomacy Function?
The volume’s approach to this question is an unashamedly practical one. It simply
aims to explain the processes by which the EU seeks to decide on a common
position and how it goes about representing this common position in international
negotiations. For many practitioners and stakeholders both within – but more
especially outside – the decision-making processes of the EU are often seen as
arcane, complex and not infrequently frustrating.
There are a number of reasons for this complexity. The EU is clearly not
typical in that its economic diplomacy must reconcile the positions of the 27
member states as well as many sector interests and conficting aims between
different policy areas. It is therefore necessary to understand how the positions
of the member states are aggregated to form a common EU position. For this it is
in turn necessary to understand the roles of the various Eu institutions, primarily
the c ouncil, c ommission and European parliament, and how these shape Eu
economic diplomacy at different stages in the policy-making and negotiating
processes. Compared to other national settings, such as the United States, these
institutional factors are probably more important, but EU preferences, like those of
2individual countries are signifcantly shaped by sector and other interests.
2 In addressing this question it is also possible to draw on a fairly extensive literature.
In the past much of the analysis of foreign economic policy-making or the process of
negotiation has originated in the u nited States and has been based on studies or observation
of US foreign economic policy (Odell, 2000). Whilst valuable, this literature needs to be
adapted before it can be applied to the Eu , wh

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